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1508 Manuscript used: ASM, Ambasciatori, Ungheria, Busta 3. Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 259–260. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 555–556. Brodarics gives a detailed account to Lardi of events and participants at the coronation of Louis II. Reverendissime Domine, Patrone Colendissime. Pro illa, qua semper Vestram

minores. Inter initia missae, infans regius flens et vagiens et ob multitudinem territus primo inungitur, post ensem strictum ac deinde pomum aureum et sceptrum regale accipit. Post evangelium vero, antequam corona ei imponeretur, dominus palatinus 7 ex more ter quaesivit a dominis et regnicolis alta, ut ab omnibus, qui in templo aderant, exaudiri posset, voce, si vellent Lodovicum regem coronari. Qui quidem omnes unanimi consensu, uno ore acclamarunt se velle. Inter quos populi et nobilitatis clamores regia maiestas 8 pro gaudio et laetitia adeo ubertim

posset, voce, si vellent Lodovicum regem coronari. Qui quidem omnes unanimi consensu, uno ore acclamarunt se velle. Inter quos populi et nobilitatis clamores regia maiestas 8 pro gaudio et laetitia adeo ubertim et large flevit, ut omnes ad lacrimas commoverit. Post huiusmodi responsum a populo datum, corona Lodovico flenti et ob clamores turbae eo magis territo imponitur, qui tandem coronatus in solium auratum, quod ad latus patris dextrum erat, locatur. Te Deum laudamus organo, tubis et campanis, voce populi concinitur. Tandem peraguntur divina, quibus finitis infans coronatus,

subsequente. Ubi in quadam sede vetusta, quam Sancti Stephani fuisse referunt, collocatur. Inde in reditu cum universis proceribus tam secularibus, quam ecclesiasticis, paucis, qui cum patre remanserant, exceptis, in curru aurato, qui, ut Vestra Dominatio optime novit, ei iampridem a domino Patriarcha datus fuerat, ad quoddam templum 12 extra urbem ad unum milliare Italicum vectus est. Ubi ex consuetudine illo ense, qui ei inter sacra et cerimonias, ut dixi, fuerat datus, in quattuor partes secuit, et equo impositus est. Inde reversi, universi proceres lautissimo ac

Manuscript used: ASM, Ambasciatori, Ungheria, Busta 3. 2 Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 260–261. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 557–558. Brodarics gives a detailed account of the child King’s marching in to Buda and participants of the procession to Taddeo dei Lardi three days after the coronation of Louis II. Reverendissime Domine, Patrone

5 István Brodarics to citizens of Kassa Buda, 29 August 1512 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 270926 1. Brodarics reminds citizens of Kassa that he was of help to them in the past whenever he could be. – 2. He asks for a four-in-hand carriage from the town in recognition of his services and that it is to be sent to Buda by merchants going to the fair held at St. Nicholas Day. Prudentes et Circumspecti Domini et Amici mihi Honorandi. [1.] Satis

nostrum reverendissimum 1 per Vestras Dominationes mitti solent, me in omnibus, in quibus possum, et quae sunt officii mei, libentissime servire eisdem. Id quod ego non propterea facio, quod propter hoc aliquam remunerationem a Vestris Dominationibus exspectem, sed certe magis ex cordis affectione, qua Vestris Dominationibus afficior. [2.] Nihilominus tamen rogo Vestras Dominationes, ut non loco remunerationis sed loco mutuae benivolentiae velint mihi ordinari facere unum currum pro quattuor equis, et per

6 István Brodarics to Aldus Manutius 1 Buda, 15 September 15122 Manuscript used: BA, E. 36 inf., fol. 16. Published: bel Jenő, Adalékok a humanismus történetéhez Magyarországon, Budapest, 1880, 30.; and Pierre de Ambroise Nolhac, Les correspondents d’Alde Manuce. Matériaux nouveaux d’histoire littéraire 1485–1514. Rome, 1888, 242.; In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század,

Budapest, 1880, 30.; and Pierre de Ambroise Nolhac, Les correspondents d’Alde Manuce. Matériaux nouveaux d’histoire littéraire 1485–1514. Rome, 1888, 242.; In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 558. Six years ago he left a manuscript of Janus Pannonius with a book merchant by the name of Jordan so that the latter would forward it to Aldus Manutius in order to print it. He requests Aldus to give the volume to the Hungarian King’s envoy, who is to arrive at Venice, if it has been printed.

de Ambroise Nolhac, Les correspondents d’Alde Manuce. Matériaux nouveaux d’histoire littéraire 1485–1514. Rome, 1888, 242.; In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor (ed.), Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 558. Six years ago he left a manuscript of Janus Pannonius with a book merchant by the name of Jordan so that the latter would forward it to Aldus Manutius in order to print it. He requests Aldus to give the volume to the Hungarian King’s envoy, who is to arrive at Venice, if it has been printed. Excellentissime Vir,

According to Roman calculation we do not add 17 days to the Kalendae, 1 October, but distract 17 days, and this is how we get the real date of the letter, 15 September. This way of dating can be reconciled with Csulai’s trip, who was already in Zengg at the end of September, where he embarked on a ship to Venice. 3  Jordan von Dinslaken, printer from Cologne. He was banned from Venice in 1520 for distributing Luther’s works. Compare: Boda Miklós, Pécs–Medvevár–Pécs. Janus Pannonius a pécsi utóélet tükrében = Bartók István, Jankovits László, Kecskeméti Gábor (ed.),

with Csulai’s trip, who was already in Zengg at the end of September, where he embarked on a ship to Venice. 3  Jordan von Dinslaken, printer from Cologne. He was banned from Venice in 1520 for distributing Luther’s works. Compare: Boda Miklós, Pécs–Medvevár–Pécs. Janus Pannonius a pécsi utóélet tükrében = Bartók István, Jankovits László, Kecskeméti Gábor (ed.), Humanista műveltség Pannniában, Pécs, 2000, 83. 4  Brodarics obtained doctorate in canon law in Padua sometime around 1505–1506. 5  On Brodarics’ role in the publication of Janus’ works and

László, Kecskeméti Gábor (ed.), Humanista műveltség Pannniában, Pécs, 2000, 83. 4  Brodarics obtained doctorate in canon law in Padua sometime around 1505–1506. 5  On Brodarics’ role in the publication of Janus’ works and on the manuscript he had, see more: Boda Miklós, A „sevillai kdexek” és a Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány kérdőjelei, Baranyai Helytörténetírás 17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics

Gábor (ed.), Humanista műveltség Pannniában, Pécs, 2000, 83. 4  Brodarics obtained doctorate in canon law in Padua sometime around 1505–1506. 5  On Brodarics’ role in the publication of Janus’ works and on the manuscript he had, see more: Boda Miklós, A „sevillai kdexek” és a Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány kérdőjelei, Baranyai Helytörténetírás 17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics convincingly. Compare: Ritoókné

role in the publication of Janus’ works and on the manuscript he had, see more: Boda Miklós, A „sevillai kdexek” és a Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány kérdőjelei, Baranyai Helytörténetírás 17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics convincingly. Compare: Ritoókné Szalay gnes, Janus Pannonius leveleinek kézirata a Pray-gyűjteményben, Az Egyetemi Könyv tár vkönyvei, 14–15 (2011), 283–292.

and on the manuscript he had, see more: Boda Miklós, A „sevillai kdexek” és a Janus Pannonius-szöveghagyomány kérdőjelei, Baranyai Helytörténetírás 17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics convincingly. Compare: Ritoókné Szalay gnes, Janus Pannonius leveleinek kézirata a Pray-gyűjteményben, Az Egyetemi Könyv tár vkönyvei, 14–15 (2011), 283–292. herus

Baranyai Helytörténetírás 17–18. (1985–1986), 475–493. – More recently, gnes Ritoókné Szalay found a manuscript with Janus’ works. He established a connection between the compilation and Brodarics convincingly. Compare: Ritoókné Szalay gnes, Janus Pannonius leveleinek kézirata a Pray-gyűjteményben, Az Egyetemi Könyv tár vkönyvei, 14–15 (2011), 283–292. herus meus 6 praeterea apud te egerat, in manus Tuae Dominationis daret. Quod si factum ab illo est, rogo Tuam Dominationem, velit libellos

summo, fratri et amico optimo. 7 István Brodarics to citizens of Kassa Pécs, 20 August 1515 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 269209 Published: Tóth-Szabó Pál, Oklevelek a kegyúri jog történetéhez, Történelmi Tár, 1903, 105–106. 1. Having heard that the position of the Provost of Jászó is vacant, he asks those in Kassa to give it to scribe Péter. Kristóf Darholczi also wrote about this to them. – 2. He and Darhoczi could have achieved with the Bishop

it to scribe Péter. Kristóf Darholczi also wrote about this to them. – 2. He and Darhoczi could have achieved with the Bishop that the Provostship goes to scribe Péter, but as advowson belongs to Kassa, they prefer to recommend their protégé to the town. – 4. People in Kassa should write a letter on behalf of scribe Péter, whose knowledge, morals and outstanding qualities make him worthy of recommendation. Brodarics’ formulation is ambiguous here. Already secretary of György Szatmári at the time. In 1505–1506, probably the patronage of Tamás Bakócz

circle see: Révész Mária, Néhány adat Philippus Beroaldus maior magyar összeköttetéseihez. Egyetemes Philológiai Közlöny, 1941, 165–166. 7  Fülöp Csulai Móré (1476/77–1526), Humanist, Royal Secretary, later Bishop of Pécs. Csulai studied with Beroaldo in Bologna and had a friendly relationship with Aldus Manutius too. Like Brodarics, Csulai was also a protégé of Szatmári. In the first two decades of the 1500s, he visited Venice many times as Hungarian royal envoy. More on his life: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp

összeköttetéseihez. Egyetemes Philológiai Közlöny, 1941, 165–166. 7  Fülöp Csulai Móré (1476/77–1526), Humanist, Royal Secretary, later Bishop of Pécs. Csulai studied with Beroaldo in Bologna and had a friendly relationship with Aldus Manutius too. Like Brodarics, Csulai was also a protégé of Szatmári. In the first two decades of the 1500s, he visited Venice many times as Hungarian royal envoy. More on his life: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 35–84.

Provost. Karácsondi was later confirmed by Szatmári himself as Provost. The document about this is dated 23 September 1515. (Compare: MOL DF 269210) Regarding the Jászó convent see: Tóth-Szabó Pál, Szathmári György prímás (1457–1524), Budapest, 1906; and Tóth-Szabó Pál, Jász a főkegyúri jog történetében II., Századok, 1905, 223–247. 3  An unknown employee of György Szatmári who did not attain Provostship. 4  Brodarics was already the secretary of Szatmári. 5  It is about nobleman Kristóf Darholczi from Sáros County, about whom we have several pieces

270974 8 István Brodarics to Angelo Cospi 1 [Sine loco], [1515–1516]2 Manuscript used: EFKK, Categoria V. Titulus IV. cc. 142v–143r. Published: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1970, 372. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 596. Brodarics calls Cospi’s attention to a youngster who prepares for studies in Italy, even though he is not an

IV. cc. 142v–143r. Published: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1970, 372. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 596. Brodarics calls Cospi’s attention to a youngster who prepares for studies in Italy, even though he is not an old acquaintance of Cospi. Eximie ac Doctissime Vir, salutem et commendationem. Etsi nulla mihi vel parva admodum cum Tua Dominatione intercessit familiaris necessitudo, qua fretus liberius illi

arms for István Brodarics Buda, 25 March 1517 Manuscript used: MOL R 64 – item II. – Nr. 48. 1 Published: Kujáni Gábor, Brodarics István levelezése 1508–1538, Történelmi Tár, 1908, 342–344. For the part of the charter describing the coat of arms, see: ldásy Antal, A MNM könyvtárának címerjegyzéke II. Címereslevelek, Budapest, 1904, 28–29. István Brodarics and his family received coat of arms augmentation from King Louis II. The document discusses the earlier image of the coat of arms received for military merit in detail. Then it proceeds to

intendant, alios mercium ex diverso orbe terra marique convehendarum studium teneat, aliis in opificio quopiam et vel pingendi vel fingendi aut sculpendi arte excellere pulchrum ac decorum videbatur, alii postremo alias vitae humanae necessarias artes et studia sequantur. Qui vero nobiliorem a natura vim sortiti sunt, et reliquum 3 Brodarich: Brodarych MOL R 64 1  The original of the document severely damaged already was in the possession of the Tallián family. The copy that is presently in the MOL was made after this in 1897. The Tallián archive was

György, Brodarics István címereslevele, Turul, 2011/1, 28. 2  Jerosin or Jarosin, Kőrös county (today: Herešin, Croatia). Relevant literature disputes that Brodarics really used the name of Jerosin, because, apart from the charter, it is never seen in his letters that survived. In a letter dated 1 October 1532., he names Polyana in Kőrös County as his ancestral estate. On the issue of title of nobility see: Kujáni Gábor, A Brodaricsok, Századok, 1913, 755–756; on Jerosin–Herešin the authority is Ranko Pavleš, who uses recent Croatian literature too. Compare: Ranko

literature disputes that Brodarics really used the name of Jerosin, because, apart from the charter, it is never seen in his letters that survived. In a letter dated 1 October 1532., he names Polyana in Kőrös County as his ancestral estate. On the issue of title of nobility see: Kujáni Gábor, A Brodaricsok, Századok, 1913, 755–756; on Jerosin–Herešin the authority is Ranko Pavleš, who uses recent Croatian literature too. Compare: Ranko Pavleš, Koprivničko i đurđevečko vlastelinstvo. Povijest, topografija, organizacija, Koprivnica, 2001, 110–111. 3  This, in fact, is a

A Brodaricsok, Századok, 1913, 755–756; on Jerosin–Herešin the authority is Ranko Pavleš, who uses recent Croatian literature too. Compare: Ranko Pavleš, Koprivničko i đurđevečko vlastelinstvo. Povijest, topografija, organizacija, Koprivnica, 2001, 110–111. 3  This, in fact, is a title of chapel rector. The St. Andrew’s chapel might have been built next to the south-western part of cathedral. Sources mention one of its altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with a

fact, is a title of chapel rector. The St. Andrew’s chapel might have been built next to the south-western part of cathedral. Sources mention one of its altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with a university degree. Compare Timár György, A szenttisztelet Pécsett a középkorban (patrocinium, titulus, ecclesiae) = Font Márta (ed.), Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből 9., Pécs, 2001, 69–103.

chapel might have been built next to the south-western part of cathedral. Sources mention one of its altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with a university degree. Compare Timár György, A szenttisztelet Pécsett a középkorban (patrocinium, titulus, ecclesiae) = Font Márta (ed.), Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből 9., Pécs, 2001, 69–103. humani generis vulgum gloria et nominis

been built next to the south-western part of cathedral. Sources mention one of its altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with a university degree. Compare Timár György, A szenttisztelet Pécsett a középkorban (patrocinium, titulus, ecclesiae) = Font Márta (ed.), Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből 9., Pécs, 2001, 69–103. humani generis vulgum gloria et nominis amplitudine antecellere

altars already in the early 14th century. Tamás Bakócz was one of the chapel rectors before 1487; all his known successors were clerics with a university degree. Compare Timár György, A szenttisztelet Pécsett a középkorban (patrocinium, titulus, ecclesiae) = Font Márta (ed.), Pécs szerepe a Mohács előtti Magyarországon. Tanulmányok Pécs történetéből 9., Pécs, 2001, 69–103. humani generis vulgum gloria et nominis amplitudine antecellere conantur, eorum duo genera esse videmus, aut enim rem militarem sequuntur, aut ab ipso

sit semper honor habitus. Verum quod ad litteras attinet, quantum [...] splendoris et claritudinis, tantum etiam commodi et emolumenti facile inesse apparet. Nam si quis [...] perpendiculum revocare voluerit et aequa lance metiri, procul dubio reperiet nobis parum profuisse ratione et intellectu a ceteris animantibus distinctos fuisset [...] divinationem vocamus, exculta atque elimata fuisset. Quid enim inter nos et cetera animalia [...] adminiculo et nobis et tam multiplices rerum cognitiones et Dei ipsius Optimi Maximi ac naturae omnium parentis abstrusissima arcana [...] monumentiore eo

ac patriarchae Constantinopolitani 6 etc. aulam es secutus, succedente deinde tempore in obsequia reverendissimi in Christo 22 claritudinis correxi ex: claritudine The multitude of expressions denoting age, which show that Brodarics got to Italy at a very early age, provide the strongest proofs that his date of birth should be put around 1480 instead of 1470–71. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy karrier hajnala... 1198–1202. 5  Brodarics first studied in Padua from around 1498–99, then, after his master Giovanni Calphurnio died, he

ex certa nostrae maiestatis scientia dedimus, donavimus et contulimus, immo damus ac concedimus et praesentibus elargimur, ut tu iidemque frater et nepotes tui praenominati, ac haeredes et posteritates eorum universae praetacta arma seu nobilitatis indicia, de more aliorum nobilium armis utentium, a modo imposterum, ubique in proeliis, hastitudiis hastiludiis , tornamentiis, duellis, bellis, omnibusque exercitiis nobilitaribus et militaribus, necnon sigillis, velis, cortinis, anulis, et generaliter in quarumlibet

Hungariae et Bohemiae etc. anno primo. Iacobus Piso 8 secretarius. 10 István Brodarics to Louis II 1 Rome, 1 September 1522 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 25663 Published: Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344. 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a

Iacobus Piso 8 secretarius. 10 István Brodarics to Louis II 1 Rome, 1 September 1522 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 25663 Published: Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344. 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg

Brodarics to Louis II 1 Rome, 1 September 1522 Manuscript used: MOL, DL 25663 Published: Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344. 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg Imperial Diet. – 2. Brodarics assures King Louis that that he could find no Pope more suitable for his purposes than Adrian.

Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344. 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg Imperial Diet. – 2. Brodarics assures King Louis that that he could find no Pope more suitable for his purposes than Adrian. Marsupino has returned from Florence to Rome too. Now they work together on behalf of the King. – 3.

a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 343–344. 1. The Pope has arrived in Rome but has not received Brodarics in a public audience yet. However, he and Cardinal Medici have put forward Louis II’s request to him in a private interview that a legate or nuncio be sent to the Nuremberg Imperial Diet. – 2. Brodarics assures King Louis that that he could find no Pope more suitable for his purposes than Adrian. Marsupino has returned from Florence to Rome too. Now they work together on behalf of the King. – 3. He complains that he has

there without money. Sacra Regia Maiestas, Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post humillimam servitutis meae commendationem. [1.] XXVIII huius mensis Augusti venit Sanctissimus Dominus Noster 2 ad sanctum Paulum monasterium non longe a moenibus Urbis distans. Sequenti die ingressus Urbem, postea die Dominica 3 fuit coronatus. Adhuc nihil potuit agi de negotiis Maiestatis Vestrae apud Suam Sanctitatem. Credo nos cras aut perendie habituros audientiam publicam, id est consistorialem a Sua Sanctitate. Quamvis iam in

sanctum Paulum monasterium non longe a moenibus Urbis distans. Sequenti die ingressus Urbem, postea die Dominica 3 fuit coronatus. Adhuc nihil potuit agi de negotiis Maiestatis Vestrae apud Suam Sanctitatem. Credo nos cras aut perendie habituros audientiam publicam, id est consistorialem a Sua Sanctitate. Quamvis iam in audientia 8  Jacobus Piso (1480–1527), offspring of a Saxon middle class family from Medgyes, noted Humanist, poet and diplomat, friend and pen friend of Erasmus, member of the circle of László Szalkai who would become Archbishop

fuit coronatus. Adhuc nihil potuit agi de negotiis Maiestatis Vestrae apud Suam Sanctitatem. Credo nos cras aut perendie habituros audientiam publicam, id est consistorialem a Sua Sanctitate. Quamvis iam in audientia 8  Jacobus Piso (1480–1527), offspring of a Saxon middle class family from Medgyes, noted Humanist, poet and diplomat, friend and pen friend of Erasmus, member of the circle of László Szalkai who would become Archbishop of Esztergom. One of the tutors of the child King Louis from 1516, Royal Secretary from 1520. We have no other data

middle class family from Medgyes, noted Humanist, poet and diplomat, friend and pen friend of Erasmus, member of the circle of László Szalkai who would become Archbishop of Esztergom. One of the tutors of the child King Louis from 1516, Royal Secretary from 1520. We have no other data about a permanent contact with Brodarics, who was roughly of the same age, but perhaps it is not just by accident that he wrote the letter on the coat of arms, which praises literature and science, in such elegant Latin. 1  Fraknói refers to this letter when he states that one of Brodarics’ tasks

expediturum unum virum idoneum, de aliis agetur, ut praemisi, in audientia consistoriali. 7 Et in diligentia nostra nihil penitus deerit. [2.] Habet ex munere divino Vestra Maiestas pontificem talem, quo melior et ad negotia Vestrae Maiestatis propensior ne optari quidem posset a domino Deo. Credo et certissime credo non Maiestatem Vestram solum, sed totam Christianitatem in huius re et nomine sanctissimi viri bonitate, prudentia et sollertia conquieturam. Plura et de hoc et de aliis in proximis litteris. 8 Haec enim scripsi subitissime nuntio properante. Brevi

order to obtain aid for the struggle against the Turks and for capturing Nándorfehérvár back. The papal envoy should have supported these Hungarian claims. 6  We do not know exactly when Brodarics arrived in Rome. He probably left Buda in the end of February, because Iván Borsa mentions in a Hungarica report that he saw in the Siena State Archives a letter of recommendation by Louis II to Cardinal Raffaello Petrucci on behalf of Brodarics, and this was dated 18 February 1522 (compare: Archivio di Stato di Siena, Particolari, Famiglie Senesi nr. 146). It is known from Mario Sanuto’s

for capturing Nándorfehérvár back. The papal envoy should have supported these Hungarian claims. 6  We do not know exactly when Brodarics arrived in Rome. He probably left Buda in the end of February, because Iván Borsa mentions in a Hungarica report that he saw in the Siena State Archives a letter of recommendation by Louis II to Cardinal Raffaello Petrucci on behalf of Brodarics, and this was dated 18 February 1522 (compare: Archivio di Stato di Siena, Particolari, Famiglie Senesi nr. 146). It is known from Mario Sanuto’s diary that he was in Venice on 26 April because that’s

III., Magyar Történelmi Tár XXV. 268–269.) Marsupino writes on 8 August 1522 that he was waiting for Brodarics to arrive in Rome but 3 months have passed since his arrival. Thus Brodarics might have reached Rome in the second half of May. 7  Brodarics and Marsupino were heard at a consistory session on 4 September. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 8  Unfortunately, we have no more letters addressed to King Louis from Rome. 9  Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one time secretary of

Rome in the second half of May. 7  Brodarics and Marsupino were heard at a consistory session on 4 September. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 8  Unfortunately, we have no more letters addressed to King Louis from Rome. 9  Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one time secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he

May. 7  Brodarics and Marsupino were heard at a consistory session on 4 September. See Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 8  Unfortunately, we have no more letters addressed to King Louis from Rome. 9  Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one time secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he still served Ferenc Frangepán.

pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 8  Unfortunately, we have no more letters addressed to King Louis from Rome. 9  Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one time secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he still served Ferenc Frangepán. Paul III wanted to send him on a mission to Ireland in 1541 but it did not happen (see Thomas

9  Francesco Marsupino, a cleric of Humanist knowledge, a doctor of both laws, one time secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he still served Ferenc Frangepán. Paul III wanted to send him on a mission to Ireland in 1541 but it did not happen (see Thomas Maccogg, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541–1588, Leiden–New York–Köln, 1996, 15.) His brother Joannes (Giovanni)

secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. After 1526 he represented Szapolyai in the papal court. István Brodarics and Ferenc Frangepán both considered him a close friend. In 1542 he still served Ferenc Frangepán. Paul III wanted to send him on a mission to Ireland in 1541 but it did not happen (see Thomas Maccogg, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1541–1588, Leiden–New York–Köln, 1996, 15.) His brother Joannes (Giovanni) Marsupino was Abbot of Kapornak in 1532 and entered the service of Pál Várday in 1548.

Vestra Maiestas totam rerum suarum summam hinc pendere. [4.] Nam quod Maiestas Vestra scribit mihi de legatione Gallica obeunda, ea, ut video, esset valde necessaria. Immo credo nihil magis necessarium ad res Maiestatis Vestrae et totius Christianitatis. Sed quomodo ego illuc irem, qui iam a tot mensibus ne hic quidem unicum obolum a Vestra Maiestate habere possum. 14 Me et mea servitia in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis recommendo, quam altissimus conservare dignetur diutissime felicem et incolumem. Ex Urbe 1. Septembris 1522. 15

hinc pendere. [4.] Nam quod Maiestas Vestra scribit mihi de legatione Gallica obeunda, ea, ut video, esset valde necessaria. Immo credo nihil magis necessarium ad res Maiestatis Vestrae et totius Christianitatis. Sed quomodo ego illuc irem, qui iam a tot mensibus ne hic quidem unicum obolum a Vestra Maiestate habere possum. 14 Me et mea servitia in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis recommendo, quam altissimus conservare dignetur diutissime felicem et incolumem. Ex Urbe 1. Septembris 1522. 15 Eiusdem Vestrae Maiestatis servitor et

et Bohemiae etc. domino meo gratiosissimo 10 Marsupino arrived in Florence around 8 August. He practically fled there from his creditors because he had not received money from Hungary for months. See Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 341–342; and MOL DL 25313. 11  We do not know the referred letter by King Louis. 12  This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György Szatmári, a long-time patron of

10 Marsupino arrived in Florence around 8 August. He practically fled there from his creditors because he had not received money from Hungary for months. See Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 341–342; and MOL DL 25313. 11  We do not know the referred letter by King Louis. 12  This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György Szatmári, a long-time patron of Brodarics. Because of the title Chancellor it is

because he had not received money from Hungary for months. See Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 341–342; and MOL DL 25313. 11  We do not know the referred letter by King Louis. 12  This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György Szatmári, a long-time patron of Brodarics. Because of the title Chancellor it is possible that László Szalkai wrote the letter mentioned. 13  It is a reference to the Fugger banking house, which was one of the most important

See Iványi Béla, Adalékok a nemzetközi érintkezések történetéhez a Jagelló-korban, Történelmi Tár, 1906, 341–342; and MOL DL 25313. 11  We do not know the referred letter by King Louis. 12  This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György Szatmári, a long-time patron of Brodarics. Because of the title Chancellor it is possible that László Szalkai wrote the letter mentioned. 13  It is a reference to the Fugger banking house, which was one of the most important financial institutions of the era that gave credits. They had several branches

11  We do not know the referred letter by King Louis. 12  This may be a reference to Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor György Szatmári, a long-time patron of Brodarics. Because of the title Chancellor it is possible that László Szalkai wrote the letter mentioned. 13  It is a reference to the Fugger banking house, which was one of the most important financial institutions of the era that gave credits. They had several branches in Hungary too. More on their activities: Richard Ehrenberg, Das Zeitalter der Fugger. Geldkapital und Creditverkerhr im 16. Jahrhundert, Jena,

Plocensem istic vita functum 5 et affecti sumus magna molestia, quod hac eius inopina morte complures res et negotia nostra sunt intricata. Quia vero et ipse defunctus et alii istic oratores nostri non minus curare solebant negotia nepotis 6 nostri, regis Hungariae, postulamus a te, ut cum inpraesens istic sit et nos oratorem nostrum non habemus, non desit una cum collega suo 7 apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum 8 rebus et negotiis nostris, agatque apud illius Sanctitatem, ne quem alium ad episcopatum Plocensem provehere velit praeter reverendissimum

was probably written around 22 October too. 3  Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. 378–379. According to the version kept in the Naruszewicz Collection, this letter was intended to Francesco Marsupino, which cannot be excluded, since the earliest known manuscript of it is known only from a 16th-century copy kept in Kórnik. This is what I used. Its address says the letter is to the Hungarian King’s envoy at the Holy Seat (oratori regis Hungariae apud Sedem Apostolicam). Since we do not know of any letter from Sigismund to Marsupino during Brodarics’ envoyship in Rome, and

says the letter is to the Hungarian King’s envoy at the Holy Seat (oratori regis Hungariae apud Sedem Apostolicam). Since we do not know of any letter from Sigismund to Marsupino during Brodarics’ envoyship in Rome, and Brodarics indicates in his response on 1 January 1523 that he did get a letter from the Polish King, I deem it more probable that the addressee of the above letter is Brodarics. 4  This letter is unknown. The above letter is the earliest that left to us from the correspondence of Brodarics and the Polish King. 5  Erazm Ciołek (1474–1522), Bishop of Płock,

the Polish King. 5  Erazm Ciołek (1474–1522), Bishop of Płock, died as an envoy of Sigismund in Rome on 9 September 1522. More on his life: Henryk Folwarski, Erazm Ciołek biskup i dyplomata, Warszawa, 1935. 6  Hungarian King Louis II was the cousin of Sigismund. 7  Without doubt this is a reference to Francesco Marsupino. 8  Pope Hadrian VI. meritissimum, quem nos Suae Sanctitati praesentamus. 9 Nam nos alium nequamquam admittere volumus neque possemus contra iura nostra et statuta regni nostri, quae infringi regnicolae nostri

Rome, 1 January 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 4. fol. 122 r–v. 1 Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 219–220. 1. Brodarics fulfilled Sigismund’s request and approached the Pope regarding the Płock bishopric and the matter of indulgences. Sigismund will learn the Pope’s answer from a letter to be sent through Anton Fugger. – 2. He informs Sigismund that the Pope holds him in the highest esteem among all Christian rulers, and he alone is considered the refuge of Christianity and also the only support of Hungarian King Louis. – 3. He says he is happy to be available for

Erazm Ciołek the King of Poland wanted to install Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl into the vacant position. However, Hadrian VI did not wait for Sigismund’s recommendation but appointed Johann Albrecht, brother of Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order which had a hostile relationship with Poland. (Compare: AT VI. 154–155.) The Polish ruler protested angrily. Since neither party would budge, a one-year-long diplomatic struggle began. Brodarics played an important part of its settlement. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy magyar diplomata lengyel

VI did not wait for Sigismund’s recommendation but appointed Johann Albrecht, brother of Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order which had a hostile relationship with Poland. (Compare: AT VI. 154–155.) The Polish ruler protested angrily. Since neither party would budge, a one-year-long diplomatic struggle began. Brodarics played an important part of its settlement. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy magyar diplomata lengyel szolgálatban. Újabb források Brodarics István rmai követi működéséhez., Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 2009, 593–605. The same in

diplomatic struggle began. Brodarics played an important part of its settlement. More on this: Kasza Péter, Egy magyar diplomata lengyel szolgálatban. Újabb források Brodarics István rmai követi működéséhez., Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 2009, 593–605. The same in English: A Hungarian diplomat in Polish service New sources for the functioning of István Brodarics as ambassador in Rome, Camoenae Hungaricae, 2010, 61–73. manuscript: BK 223 fol. 83–84. No doubt, it is the letter by Sigismund in October 1522. 3  Sigismund greeted Hadrian VI for his

diplomat in Polish service New sources for the functioning of István Brodarics as ambassador in Rome, Camoenae Hungaricae, 2010, 61–73. manuscript: BK 223 fol. 83–84. No doubt, it is the letter by Sigismund in October 1522. 3  Sigismund greeted Hadrian VI for his election in a letter dated in Vilnius 22 October 1522. Compare: AT VI. 130. 1  Another Ego non solum omnes has litteras Maiestatis Vestrae Sanctissimo Domino Nostro exhibui, sed in his negotiis ex sententia Maiestatis Vestrae

the end of October demonstrate this (see: AT VI. 145–147.) Anton Fugger must have written to the Polish ruler on this matter. 7  Hungarian King Louis II was the cousin of Sigismund. 8  Nándorfehérvár (Belgrade, today: Beograd, Serbia) was occupied by the Turks on 29 August 1521. This was a serious blow to Hungary, since this fortress was central in their Southern defence line. One of the main purpose of sending Brodarics to Rome as an envoy was to obtain support of the papal court to the campaign to reconquer Nándorfehérvár. atque excelsi

One of the main purpose of sending Brodarics to Rome as an envoy was to obtain support of the papal court to the campaign to reconquer Nándorfehérvár. atque excelsi animi omnibus numeris absoluta ac perfecta excellentia traheret me ad omnem servitutem, quae a me praestari posset, illi libentissime impendendam. Me et obsequia mea perpetua in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis rursus commendo. Quam Deus servet semper incolumem ac victoriosam. Ex Urbe Calendis Ianuarii Anno 1523. Quem etiam annum cum plurimis sequentibus cupio

are handled differently in Rome. They try to get hold of such benefices themselves. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Acceperam rursus litteras a Vestra Maiestate super negotio ecclesiae Plocensis, in quo rursus apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum omni studio, fide et diligentia elaboravi. Contigit autem reverendissimum etiam dominum cardinalem de Grassis, 1 qui per hos superiores dies abfuerat, neque prioribus illis apud

de Grassis, 1 qui per hos superiores dies abfuerat, neque prioribus illis apud pontificem actionibus atque intercessionibus interesse potuerat, praesenti negotio affuisse. Itaque cum ipse prior (ut par erat) apud pontificem diligentissime pro hoc negotio egisset, responsumque non valde a desiderio Vestrae Maiestatis alienum reportasset, ego suam praeterea reverendissimam dominationem subsecutus et re omni rursus ex integro Sanctissimo Domino Nostro declarata commemoratisque incommodis et incendiis, quae ex hoc 1  Achilles de Grassis (or Achille Grassi) (1456–1523),

Vestrae Maiestatis alienum reportasset, ego suam praeterea reverendissimam dominationem subsecutus et re omni rursus ex integro Sanctissimo Domino Nostro declarata commemoratisque incommodis et incendiis, quae ex hoc 1  Achilles de Grassis (or Achille Grassi) (1456–1523), Cardinal. A high priest of Polish origin. He went on diplomatic missions to several European courts from 1508. Sigismund wrote several letters to him concerning the Płock bishopric in the autumn of 1522, and asked for his intervention. (Compare: AT VI. 145–146, 153–154, 207.)

from 1508. Sigismund wrote several letters to him concerning the Płock bishopric in the autumn of 1522, and asked for his intervention. (Compare: AT VI. 145–146, 153–154, 207.) oriri possent, non potui tamen aliud et magis praesentaneum responsum a Sua Sanctitate impetrare. [2.] Responsum ipsum, quod uterque nostrum habuit, ex litteris reverendissimi domini cardinalis Maiestas Vestra intelliget, 2 contra quod ego non existimarem, Clementissime Domine, Maiestati Vestrae (quod cum illius gratia dictum sit) iam amplius

correxi ex: victoriosum From Sigismund‘s answer below it seems he had not received de Grassis’ letter. Essentially the Pope refused all of Sigismund’s requests. His candidate for the bishopric of Płock remained Marquis Johann Albrecht, he reduced the period of the kermess to half a year, and wanted to charge his own people with the collection of the Peter’s pence. Naturally, Sigismund protested indignantly. See his letter to Cardinal de Grassis: AT VI. 207. 4  Against this argumentation, the Polish court referred to international law which says that envoys are entitled

226. Brodarics, as instructed, held negotiations with the Pope again regarding the Płock bishopric. The King will learn the Pope’s intentions from the latter’s breve. The Pope shows goodwill towards him and is ready to please him in any way since he knows that the fate of Christianity is in a large part in Sigismund’s hands. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae in gratiam Vestrae Serenissimae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. Rursus non destiti urgere et sollicitare Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum iuxta

2. He asks for clarification of the situation. Should the Pope decide otherwise than he wishes, he will in no way be diverted from his purpose. Reverendissime Devote nobis Dilecte. [1.] In negotio episcopatuum Plocensis et Premisliensis, quod ut istic curares, a te 1  Another manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 397–398. postulavimus, binas tuas litteras accepimus, 2 quarum alteris refers te ad litteras pontificis, ex quibus nihil pro voto nostro cognovimus, alteris item

quam cum nos et serenissimus dominus nepos noster unum simus, et illius maiestatis negotia non secus istic Romae, quam nostra propria per oratores nostros curabantur. Nunc istud negotium nostrum talibus involucris et ambagibus tractari. [2.] Et proinde postulamus a te, ut nobis tandem aperte scribas, quid agatur in ipso negotio, nam non dubium est, quin summus pontifex, cum ita res succedit, parvi faciat postulata nostra iustissima, aliudque facere in hoc ipso negotio, quam quod nos volumus aut ferre possumus, contendat, de quo, quidquid id sit, vellemus

his joy over Brodarics’ letter to him. Neither long years nor distance made him forget their old friendship. – 2. He thanks for Brodarics’ congratulation to him for his appointment as Bishop of Przemiśl. He did not strive for it, did not even think of it. He is afraid, however, that a bishopric so near the Turks will hinder him in achieving his literary goals. – 3. He has been informed about the election of the Pope, and is worried that the situation of the church would not improve in Poland, especially due to schemes of the Czech. – 4. He has been informed that there are

4. He has been informed that there are plots in Rome regarding the rest of his benefices, although he cannot accept the bishopric without those. Reverendissime Domine, Domine et Amice Honorandissime. [1.] Rediens huc ex Lithvania litteras Dominationis Vestrae a quodam, qui dudum istinc 4 nostro om. BCzart TN 35 4 alteris: alterius BCzart TN 35 1 domine om. BK 245 2  15 voluerit: velit BCzart TN 35 2 post Vestrae ms. BK 245: Reverendissimae add. Presumably Brodarics’ letters written on 1 and 15 January

haud: ex quibus non BK 245 26 secuturum: sequi BK 245 26 post Dominatio ms. BK 245: Reverendissima add. 27 hic: sit BK 245 This is the earliest letter in the Krzycki–Brodarics correspondence. We do not know exactly how long they had known each other, but it must have been a long time (per totos annos). Since Krzycki, like Brodarics, studied in Bologna in the first years of the century, conceivably they might have met there. 4  After the death of Bishop of Płock Erazm Ciołek (1522) Sigismund appointed Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl as his successor.

years of the century, conceivably they might have met there. 4  After the death of Bishop of Płock Erazm Ciołek (1522) Sigismund appointed Rafał Leszczyński, Bishop of Przemiśl as his successor. Thus the latter bishopric became vacant. Krzycki, who had been Provost of Poznań got this. 5  A clear allusion to the discord between the Pope and the Polish court regarding the appointment of bishops Non desunt Bohemi et alii vicini, qui ignem succendant, nisi quod aegre adhuc per pontifices nostros arcetur incendium. Ego me huic aleae admixtum

Another 6  manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 731. cum maxima tamen perturbatione regni nostri et servorum ac consiliariorum nostrorum, quos ad eos episcopatus designavimus impendio et iactura. 2 [2.] Itaque postulamus a te ut huic nuntio nostro 3 auxilium et consilium omne praebeas, quo negotium ipsum ex tricis istis evolvatur. Nam ut prius tibi scripsimus, non patiemur ullo pacto, ut aliter id ipsum negotium, quam designavimus, transigatur. Quando quidem intelligimus, quorsum haec involucra et ambages

18 Louis II to István Brodarics Buda, 1 June 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 2760781 Partially published: Veress Endre (ed.), Akták és levelek Erdély- és Magyarország Moldvával és Havasalfölddel való viszonyához, Budapest, 1914, 125. 2 1. He has learnt that a papal envoy arrives in Hungary with an aid of fifty thousand gold coins. This is needed badly for hiring mercenaries as soon as possible. – 2. The Turks occupied Wallachia again, and, together with the two Romanian voivodships and the Tatars they represent a serious threat to Transylvania and

1. He has learnt that a papal envoy arrives in Hungary with an aid of fifty thousand gold coins. This is needed badly for hiring mercenaries as soon as possible. – 2. The Turks occupied Wallachia again, and, together with the two Romanian voivodships and the Tatars they represent a serious threat to Transylvania and Szörény, and even the whole country. A significant Turkish force assembled already near Szörény which, although would not start an overall attack on the country, can cause considerable harm through minor attacks and occupying border fortresses. – 3. The

an aid of fifty thousand gold coins. This is needed badly for hiring mercenaries as soon as possible. – 2. The Turks occupied Wallachia again, and, together with the two Romanian voivodships and the Tatars they represent a serious threat to Transylvania and Szörény, and even the whole country. A significant Turkish force assembled already near Szörény which, although would not start an overall attack on the country, can cause considerable harm through minor attacks and occupying border fortresses. – 3. The Turks threaten Croatia. Lightning has hit the powdermagazine in Temesvár. It

fortresses. – 3. The Turks threaten Croatia. Lightning has hit the powdermagazine in Temesvár. It exploded and there is significant damage. He asks Brodarics to urge the Pope to give financial aid in any case. – 4. Louis does everything in his power to contain the Turks, but this is not a struggle between equals since it should not be the task of one sole king to defeat the lord of a whole empire. – 5. Brodarics should see to it that the papal court does not spend money allotted from tenths to anything but defence against the Turks. Venerabilis Fidelis

It exploded and there is significant damage. He asks Brodarics to urge the Pope to give financial aid in any case. – 4. Louis does everything in his power to contain the Turks, but this is not a struggle between equals since it should not be the task of one sole king to defeat the lord of a whole empire. – 5. Brodarics should see to it that the papal court does not spend money allotted from tenths to anything but defence against the Turks. Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte. 1 Apud hunc versum eadem manu in marg. add. Copia litterarum

Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte. 1 Apud hunc versum eadem manu in marg. add. Copia litterarum regis Hungariae ad oratorem suum Romae. Datum Budae prima Iunii 1523. 2  Another reason to date the letter for May is that the same arguments appear in a letter to Cardinal Bernardo Carvajal sent on 15 May 1523. (Compare: AT VI. 275.) 3 Sigismund sent Hieronym Łaski to Rome to protest raising Marquis of Brandenburg Johann Albrecht Bishop of Płock. (Compare: AT VI. 214–216.) 1  The same manuscript can be found in the HHStA in Vienna (HHStA,

allicere.) is included in Veress’ documentary compilation. [1.] Redditum nobis paulo post tuas litteras 3 est breve Apostolicum 4 de summa quinquaginta milium ducatorum, quae nondum accepimus in huius afflicti regni nostri defensionem a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro et ista Sede Apostolica decretorum, designatum quoque legatum amplissimum patrem, Sancti Sixti cardinalem 5 maiore ad nos propediem venturum praesidio intelleximus. Explicas autem non obscure, quantum id praesidii futurum sit, videlicet unde conduci, atque

Adiungere enim hostes sibi poterunt Valachiae utriusque populos et, si libitum fuerit, ipsos etiam Tartaros in belli ac praedae societatem allicere. Quibus etiam si resistere possimus, quomodo resistamus eodem tempore Turcarum caesari, quem constans fama est intra hos dies paucos regnum nostrum a partibus illis inferioribus cum omnibus suis et terrestribus et navalibus copiis invasurum. Habet iam ad vada Danubii non procul a Zenderonia 8 validissimum et paratissimum cum ducibus peritissimis exercitum, navium ac tormentorum bellicorum maximum numerum. Et, ut opinio est,

societatem allicere. Quibus etiam si resistere possimus, quomodo resistamus eodem tempore Turcarum caesari, quem constans fama est intra hos dies paucos regnum nostrum a partibus illis inferioribus cum omnibus suis et terrestribus et navalibus copiis invasurum. Habet iam ad vada Danubii non procul a Zenderonia 8 validissimum et paratissimum cum ducibus peritissimis exercitum, navium ac tormentorum bellicorum maximum numerum. Et, ut opinio est, quamprimum caesar, qui in dies exspectatur, ad exercitum venerit, rem summis viribus per terras et flumina aggredietur. Quod si forte contra

feliciter auctam et nostras vires adeo debilitatas et fractas intersit. Non unius regis aut populi videtur esse, ut tantum tyrannum, tot populorum ac nationum dominum, non dicamus superare, sed si totus incumbat, finibus suis arcere saltem et repellere possit. [5.] Taxam decimarum scribis a reverendissimis dominis cardinalibus et officialibus exigi, recte id et coeptum et institutum et ordinatum iudicamus, immo totis viribus contendas, ne Sanctissimus Dominus Noster hanc taxam in alios usus, quam in huius regni et Christianorum adversus Turcarum defensionem abire patiatur.

sacrum ing peace. Supposedly, the French King’s envoy is also on his way. – 3. He works day and night to obtain aid to King Louis; he hopes to squeeze out something after the lengthy procrastination. – 4. Cardinal Soderini is suspected of wanting to induce a riot in Sicily. He has been locked up in the Saint Angel Castle. Three cardinals investigate the case; no decision has been made yet. – 5. He says sorry to Sigismund for daring to interfere in matters that are perhaps beyond his scope, however, he does this for Sigismund and Hungary. – 6. It

armistice with the Turks, since he is left on his own by Christian rulers. Brodarics feels Sigismund could not have given better or more beneficial advice, since he has been working on obtaining aid to Hungary sideby-side with Francesco Marsupino, and with the envoy of Archduke Ferdinand, for a whole year now, and received nothing but empty promises. Neither the Holy Seat nor other rulers can be counted upon, so Hungary and Poland themselves have to reach agreement with the Turks. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Gratiosissime. Post servitutis

meis uti dignabitur. Quod ut facere velit, meque inter suos postremos servulos numerare, eidem humillime supplico. [2.] Nova hinc nescio, quae Vestrae Maiestati scribam. De pace sive induciis inter principes Christianos adhuc superest aliqua particula spei. His diebus venit novus orator a serenissimo rege Angliae, episcopus Bathonensis, 2 vir insignis et non parvae auctoritatis. Quid de pace attulerit – eius enim rei gratia venisse dicitur – nondum satis intelligere potui. Dicuntur et oratores Christianissimi regis adventare. Utinam pro salute totius Christianitatis

– eius enim rei gratia venisse dicitur – nondum satis intelligere potui. Dicuntur et oratores Christianissimi regis adventare. Utinam pro salute totius Christianitatis boni aliquid concludi posset! [3.] De subsidio serenissimo nepoti Maiestatis Vestrae, domino meo gratiosissimo, hic a Sede Apostolica subministrando, quae altera fuit pars meae legationis, multa quidem saepius deliberata et decreta, sed nondum aliquid ad effectum deductum. Dies et noctes laboro in pecuniis extricandis et legato, quoniam ita regiae etiam maiestati placuit, expediendo, fortasse iam tandem post tot

principis Ferdinandi 7 diligentissime atque acerrime toto isto tempore maximo labore et 3  Cardinal Francesco Soderini, Bishop of Volterra, was arrested on 27 April 1523 for encouraging the French King to occupy Sicily. Soderini was locked up in the Saint Angel Castle and a legal procedure started. Only the death of Hadrian VI brought it to an end. He was released after 14 September 1523, what’s more, he was allowed to participate in the conclave. More on his life: K. J. P. Lowe, Church and Politics in Renaissance Italy. The Life and Career of Cardinal Francesco

4  Pope Leo X (1513–1521) 5  glorians maria montisque polliceri coepit: Sallustius: Cat. 23, 3 , 4 . Only Sallustius uses this combination of words in classical literature. 6  Francesco Marsupino, one-time Secretary of Archbishop Bakócz, stayed in Rome from 1518 as a permanent Hungarian envoy. 7  Starting with 7 February 1523, Ferdinand had two envoys in Rome, Pedro de Cordoba (Pedro Salamanca) and Girolamo Balbi. Pedro de Cordoba left Rome at the end of April, while Balbi stayed until about mid-June. Since Brodarics speaks about an envoy, it is unclear

mitteret quamprimum oratores suos expeditos oratoribus domini mei et serenissimi principis Ferdinandi iunctos, qui agerent apud omnes principes primum de pace aut treuga, si ea aliquo modo impetrari posset, si vero id nullo pacto effici posset, saltem pro subsidio competenti ab omnibus regibus et a Sede Apostolica pro proximo vere Vestris Maiestatibus suppeditando. Dandi autem subsidii et a Sede Apostolica et a ceteris principibus, maxime a rege Angliae 8 et Portugaliae, 9 duobus opulentissimis et pecuniosissimis principibus, multi essent modi, de quibus nunc plura non

iunctos, qui agerent apud omnes principes primum de pace aut treuga, si ea aliquo modo impetrari posset, si vero id nullo pacto effici posset, saltem pro subsidio competenti ab omnibus regibus et a Sede Apostolica pro proximo vere Vestris Maiestatibus suppeditando. Dandi autem subsidii et a Sede Apostolica et a ceteris principibus, maxime a rege Angliae 8 et Portugaliae, 9 duobus opulentissimis et pecuniosissimis principibus, multi essent modi, de quibus nunc plura non scribam. Quod si neque de pace sive induciis, neque de sufficienti subsidio spem aliquam

agerent apud omnes principes primum de pace aut treuga, si ea aliquo modo impetrari posset, si vero id nullo pacto effici posset, saltem pro subsidio competenti ab omnibus regibus et a Sede Apostolica pro proximo vere Vestris Maiestatibus suppeditando. Dandi autem subsidii et a Sede Apostolica et a ceteris principibus, maxime a rege Angliae 8 et Portugaliae, 9 duobus opulentissimis et pecuniosissimis principibus, multi essent modi, de quibus nunc plura non scribam. Quod si neque de pace sive induciis, neque de sufficienti subsidio spem aliquam superesse Maiestates

primum de pace aut treuga, si ea aliquo modo impetrari posset, si vero id nullo pacto effici posset, saltem pro subsidio competenti ab omnibus regibus et a Sede Apostolica pro proximo vere Vestris Maiestatibus suppeditando. Dandi autem subsidii et a Sede Apostolica et a ceteris principibus, maxime a rege Angliae 8 et Portugaliae, 9 duobus opulentissimis et pecuniosissimis principibus, multi essent modi, de quibus nunc plura non scribam. Quod si neque de pace sive induciis, neque de sufficienti subsidio spem aliquam superesse Maiestates Vestrae viderent, veniendum

20 Sigismund I to István Brodarics [Cracow], [July 1523] Manuscript used: BJ 6556 fol. 74v–75r. 1 1. Brodarics is thanked for his help so far regarding the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Following Brodarics’ advice, he uses a softer tone in writing to the Pope, even though he already displayed more self-control than what was suggested by his subjects in a matter in which his country and his adherents are wronged. – 2. Brodarics is asked to settle matters of the two bishoprics without further delay or difficulties;

1. Brodarics is thanked for his help so far regarding the matters of the bishoprics of Płock and Przemiśl. Following Brodarics’ advice, he uses a softer tone in writing to the Pope, even though he already displayed more self-control than what was suggested by his subjects in a matter in which his country and his adherents are wronged. – 2. Brodarics is asked to settle matters of the two bishoprics without further delay or difficulties; benefices of the Canon of Cracow should be sent to Opaliński. Reverende sincere nobis Dilecte.

perturbatione scripserimus aequo asperius, 3 quandoquidem nimio plus patienter et mansuete, quam ab ipsis subditis nostris ac aliis nobis consulebatur, negotium hoc tractavimus, utcunque est, quoniam iam illius Sanctitas voluntati et iuribus suis satisfecit. [2.] Postulamus a te, ut tandem finis fiat huic tragoediae, fiatque provisio tam de episcopatu Plocensi, quam etiam Premisliensi, ita ut prius scripsimus, sine ulla pensione ac onere et sine aliqua mora et difficultate. Similiter ut de canonicatu Cracoviensi reverendi Raphaelis electi Plocensis servo nostro

Plocensis servo nostro Opalenicio 4 provideatur. Quod tibi uberiori gratia et favore regio curabimus inferre. Datum. 9 Postulamus: Postulavimus BCzart TN 35 manuscript: BCzart TN 35. fol. 747. See the previous letter of Brodarics. A letter by Andrzej Krzycki indicates that the letters from Rome arrived in Cracow on 7 July 1523. (Compare: AT. VI. 294.) 3 In his letter to Papal Nuncio Thomas Crnić (Negri), Hadrian VI remarked that Sigismund uses quite rough language in his letters. (Compare: AT VI. 223.) 4 Sebastian

Another 21 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai 1 Rome, 18 August 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 82611 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI. századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 222–223. In Hungarian: V. Kovács Sándor, Magyar humanisták levelei XV–XVI. század, Budapest, 1971, 559. 1. Várdai is informed that Archdean and Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai has been buried. Brodarics wants to

1  Ferenc Várdai (around 1460–1524), Bishop of Transylvania. His acquaintance with Brodarics undoubtedly began in Padua where they studied at the same time enjoying the benefices of prebend. Vladis laus II ordered in 1500 (see MOL DL 82165, 82166, 82167, 82200) that Vitus Roznár, as a foreigner, be deprived of his benefices as Custos of Gyulafehérvár, and those were given to Várday. (Compare: Hermann Zsuzsanna, Egy humanista karrierje (Balbi Jeromos), Az Egyetemi Könyvtár vkönyvei, Budapest, 1964, 228.) Several of Várday’s letters written in Italy between March 1500

(Balbi Jeromos), Az Egyetemi Könyvtár vkönyvei, Budapest, 1964, 228.) Several of Várday’s letters written in Italy between March 1500 and April 1504 survived. (His letter on 10 April 1501 was published by Pál Lukcsics: XVI. századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 222. His other letters are kept in the MOL: Padua, 20 March 1500. DL 82163; 19 January 1503. DL 82195; and 21 January DL 82196; Bologna, 23 July 1503. DL 82199; Venice, 3 September 1503 DL 82201; Bologna, 20 April 1504. DL 82207.)

Bologna, 23 July 1503. DL 82199; Venice, 3 September 1503 DL 82201; Bologna, 20 April 1504. DL 82207.) After his return home, he is Royal Secretary first, then Treasurer, later Bishop of Vác, then of Transylvania. Compare: Borsa Gedeon, Bornemisza Pál megemlékezése Várdai Ferencről és a többi Mohács előtti bolognai, magyar vonatkozású nyomtatvány. Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1983, 48–58. 2  János Lászai (Lazo, 1448?–Rome, 17 August 1523), Humanist, poet, member of the Gyulafehérvár chapter, Archdean of Telegd. He had a chapel built in the Gyulafehérvár

megemlékezése Várdai Ferencről és a többi Mohács előtti bolognai, magyar vonatkozású nyomtatvány. Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1983, 48–58. 2  János Lászai (Lazo, 1448?–Rome, 17 August 1523), Humanist, poet, member of the Gyulafehérvár chapter, Archdean of Telegd. He had a chapel built in the Gyulafehérvár cathedral in Renaissance style in 1512. Hungarian confessor of the St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome from 1517 until his death. More on Lászai: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy epigrammaköltő a Jagell-korban = Eszmetörténet és régi magyar irodalom. Tanul mányok,

poet, member of the Gyulafehérvár chapter, Archdean of Telegd. He had a chapel built in the Gyulafehérvár cathedral in Renaissance style in 1512. Hungarian confessor of the St. Peter’s Basilica in Rome from 1517 until his death. More on Lászai: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy epigrammaköltő a Jagell-korban = Eszmetörténet és régi magyar irodalom. Tanul mányok, Budapest, 1987, 396–427. 3  Imre Kálnai (1493?–1544), Humanist. He finished his lower school between 1505–1510 in Várad, together with Miklós Oláh. He earned Magister degree in Bologna. Royal secretary in

school between 1505–1510 in Várad, together with Miklós Oláh. He earned Magister degree in Bologna. Royal secretary in 1525–26, member of Jakab Piso’s circle. Withdraws from politics after Mohács, but remains adherent of King John. More on his l m life: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Köze é nyek, 1970, 661–667. adipiscatur. 4 Nam nisi hanc viam tenerem, nescio, cui conferretur, penitus extraneo et alieno, ut fieri consuevit. Qua tamen in re nescio, quid

for the matter has not been settled yet because of the increased sum of annata, even though this sum was designated for fight against the infidels. Thus, leaving it with the country would be more appropriate than increasing it and thereby ransack the country. – 3. Brodarics should intervene for a discussion of the letter by Bishop of Płock and for renunciation of an increase of annata. 4 Kálnai, with Brodarics’ assistance, filed an application to Hadrian VI to earn archdeanship of Telegd right after the death of Lászai. He got it. More recently on Brodarics’ role in

Hadrian VI to earn archdeanship of Telegd right after the death of Lászai. He got it. More recently on Brodarics’ role in the appointment of Kálnai using numerous sources in archives in Rome: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 411–431. 5 Várdai had to be familiar with the way such benefices were awarded because 10 years earlier he got bishopric of Transylvania essentially after a foreign beneficiary, elected Bishop of Bordeaux Johannes de

titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 411–431. 5 Várdai had to be familiar with the way such benefices were awarded because 10 years earlier he got bishopric of Transylvania essentially after a foreign beneficiary, elected Bishop of Bordeaux Johannes de Fuxo. See Lukcsics Pál, A gróf Zichy-család okmánytára XII., Budapest, 1931, 368. 1  The letter mentions neither the death of Hadrian VI (14 September) nor the following conclave (1 October–19 November), so

politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 411–431. 5 Várdai had to be familiar with the way such benefices were awarded because 10 years earlier he got bishopric of Transylvania essentially after a foreign beneficiary, elected Bishop of Bordeaux Johannes de Fuxo. See Lukcsics Pál, A gróf Zichy-család okmánytára XII., Budapest, 1931, 368. 1  The letter mentions neither the death of Hadrian VI (14 September) nor the following conclave (1 October–19 November), so presumably it was written before the Pope’s death. 2  Another manuscript: BCzart TN

cum non ignoremus eas annatas fuisse primitus ad defensionem contra infideles concessas, quam nos cum serenissimo domino nepote nostro soli assidue sustinemus. Et proinde magis congrueret illas nobis contribui, quam eiusmodi auctionibus nos et regna nostra expilari. [3.] Postulamus a te, operam facere velis, quo litterae ipsius episcopatus Plocensis expedire permittatur iuxta praedecessorum ipsius solutionem, nam nullo modo id ferre possumus, ut maioribus oneribus graventur ecclesiae nostrae satis alioquin superque gravatae. Faciet nobis rem gratissimam, quam tibi favore

gravatae. Faciet nobis rem gratissimam, quam tibi favore nostro regio curabimus referre. Datum. 23 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 22 October 1523 Manuscript used: BN T. 5. fol. 24r. Published: Acta Tomiciana VI. 326–327. 1. A new Pope has not been elected yet, even though the Cardinals have been in conclave since 1 October. Some suspect that they are waiting for the outcomeof the case of the French at Milan, so the election process may last for several further months. – 2. Sigismund’s letter on the Płock annata

an agreement at least with his cousin King Louis so that money allotted for the defence of Christianity gets to the proper place. – 3. The French are near Milan but suffer more damage than they cause. According to the Milan envoy they will soon withdraw since the French King is in the grip of a Spanish-English-German alliance. Serenissime Princeps, et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. 4 post te BCzart TN 35: a add. 5 hoc: haec BCzart TN 35

the French King is in the grip of a Spanish-English-German alliance. Serenissime Princeps, et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. 4 post te BCzart TN 35: a add. 5 hoc: haec BCzart TN 35 5 per correxi ex: pro, pro: per BCzart TN 35 [1.] Nihil adhuc de pontifice est factum. 1 A prima huius mensis sunt in conclavi reverendissimi domini cardinales. Fama est eos exspectare exitum rerum

in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. 4 post te BCzart TN 35: a add. 5 hoc: haec BCzart TN 35 5 per correxi ex: pro, pro: per BCzart TN 35 [1.] Nihil adhuc de pontifice est factum. 1 A prima huius mensis sunt in conclavi reverendissimi domini cardinales. Fama est eos exspectare exitum rerum Gallicarum in ducatu Mediolani. 2 Sunt nonnulli, qui credunt creationem hanc per multos adhuc dies vel forte menses differendam. Quidquid erit, Vestram Maiestatem curabo

praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis, orator 3 apud factum in marg.: post mortem Adriani eadem manu add. Hadrian VI died on 14 September 1523. French troops started the siege of Milan on 24 September 1523, and although they maintained a blockade the whole winter, they did not succeed in capturing it. On hearing about the approaching rescue army they had to retreat. 3  See the previous letter. 4 Louis II, Hungarian King (1516–1526). 5  I have found no data about the identity of the Milan envoy. 6  Duke Charles de

approaching rescue army they had to retreat. 3  See the previous letter. 4 Louis II, Hungarian King (1516–1526). 5  I have found no data about the identity of the Milan envoy. 6  Duke Charles de Bourbon, an eminent commander in chief of Francis I fell out with the French ruler in 1522 as a result of inheritance issue, deserted him and sided with Charles V. France was attacked from three directions under his leadership at the end of 1522: The English landed in Picardia, a Spanish army besieged Bayonne, a German mercenary army intruded into Champagne under the leadership of Wilhelm

Duke Charles de Bourbon, an eminent commander in chief of Francis I fell out with the French ruler in 1522 as a result of inheritance issue, deserted him and sided with Charles V. France was attacked from three directions under his leadership at the end of 1522: The English landed in Picardia, a Spanish army besieged Bayonne, a German mercenary army intruded into Champagne under the leadership of Wilhelm von Fürstenberg. See Rázsó Gyula, A lovagkor csatái, Budapest, 1987, 277. 24 István Brodarics

commander in chief of Francis I fell out with the French ruler in 1522 as a result of inheritance issue, deserted him and sided with Charles V. France was attacked from three directions under his leadership at the end of 1522: The English landed in Picardia, a Spanish army besieged Bayonne, a German mercenary army intruded into Champagne under the leadership of Wilhelm von Fürstenberg. See Rázsó Gyula, A lovagkor csatái, Budapest, 1987, 277. 24 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai 1

him and sided with Charles V. France was attacked from three directions under his leadership at the end of 1522: The English landed in Picardia, a Spanish army besieged Bayonne, a German mercenary army intruded into Champagne under the leadership of Wilhelm von Fürstenberg. See Rázsó Gyula, A lovagkor csatái, Budapest, 1987, 277. 24 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai 1 Rome, 16 November 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 826212 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI. századi magyar

277. 24 István Brodarics to Ferenc Várdai 1 Rome, 16 November 1523 Manuscript used: MOL DF 826212 Published: Lukcsics Pál, XVI. századi magyar irodalomtörténeti vonatkozású újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 223–225. 1. Várdai is informed in detail on the outcome of the trial about the will of János Lászai and on Várdai’s duties regarding this. He suggests accepting the agreement offered, since he cannot expect a better deal:

újabb levelek a zsélyi levéltárból, Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1930, 223–225. 1. Várdai is informed in detail on the outcome of the trial about the will of János Lászai and on Várdai’s duties regarding this. He suggests accepting the agreement offered, since he cannot expect a better deal: the Pauline Fathers should get their 60 forints that is due, and the 200 forints that Lászai owed them according to his will. – 2. He asks Várdai to send also the 16 forints that Kálnai borrowed for the journey home and for which Brodarics vouched. – 3. There is still no Pope;

illis rursus de integro contra Dominationem Vestram Reverendissimam procedere et litigare. Quapropter Dominatio On Várdai see the note for Brodarics’ letter on 18 August. The text in the document is severely damaged at several places. 3  Concerning János Lászai, we only know a letter from Brodarics to Várdai on 18 August. The conflict concerning the will is not mentioned in that one, so here Brodarics is referring to two lost letters. 4  Imre Kálnai. About him also see the notes for the letter on 18 August 1523. 5  Cardinal Giulio de Medici, cousin of the

November. did not support appointment of Kálnai in spite of the recommendation of Brodarics and the Pope’s decree, so the young Humanist could receive the income coming from the archdeanship only two years later, when the bishop was János Gosztonyi. Compare: V. Kovács Sándor, Egy humanista a mohácsi vész korában (Kálnai Imre), Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények, 1970, 663. 10 Várdai 25 István Brodarics to Sigismund I Rome, 11 December 1523 Manuscript used: BN T.

Giulio de Medici, cousin of Pope Leo X, was elected Pope after the death of Hadrian VI on 19 November 1523. 3  I have found no further data about the selection of the 3 Cardinals mentioned. Even though Clement VII sent an envoy to Charles V on 8 December 1523 in connection with peace, he was not a Cardinal but one of the Pope’ Chamberlains, Bernardino della Barba. The next peace envoy Cardinal Nikolaus von Schönberg set off for his round trip through Spain, France, and England only in March 1524. Compare: Ludwig von Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste IV/2... 179.

quaerendae sunt. Sed parcat Vestra Maiestas, humillime supplico, minimo servorum suorum ad se de huiusmodi rebus scribenti. Brodarics must refer to the previous letter dated 11 December. VI (1492–1503), the infamous Borgia Pope. 3  See in the previous letter. 4  A reference to the appointment of Bishop of Poznań Piotr Tomicki as Bishop of Cracow. His inauguration, however, took place only in 1524. Biographies count his bishopric from this date. 2  Alexander 1  De rebus nostris Hungaricis, quae a rebus

4  A reference to the appointment of Bishop of Poznań Piotr Tomicki as Bishop of Cracow. His inauguration, however, took place only in 1524. Biographies count his bishopric from this date. 2  Alexander 1  De rebus nostris Hungaricis, quae a rebus Vestrae Maiestatis disiunctae esse non possunt, ac de subsidio istuc mittendo, si quod impetrari poterit, nihil adhuc actum. Dominus Scardonensis 5 his diebus in Urbem venit pericula utriusque regni et omnium regnorum Vestrarum Maiestatum coram pontifice et patribus

orator 27 Louis II to István Brodarics Pozsony, 12 January 1524 Manuscript used: HHStA, Ung. Akt. Fasc. 1. Konv. D, fol. 57. 1 1. The Sultan spreads false rumours about his preparations for a war against Persia in order to lull Hungary and Europe to sleep, while spy reports and information from Voivods of Moldova and Wallachia suggest that he wants to attack Hungary in March in alliance with the Tatars. – 2. Knowing this, Ferdinand also sent an envoy to Rome to press for the aid.

envoy to Rome to press for the aid. Brodarics should cooperate with the Austrian envoy fully. – 3. The Pope should order Legate Cajetan de Vio to pay the money he has for repairs of Hungarian border fortresses or the soldiers’ pay before more substantial aid arrives. – 4. Brodarics receives a copy of the letter by the Vice-Voivod of Transylvania as well as pieces of news from the Voivods. He can learn all about the Sultan’s plans from these. Ludovicus Dei gratia Rex Hungariae etc. Venerabilis Fidelis nobis Dilecte. [1.] Semper nobis fuerunt

VI (Radu Baduca) who got the position from the Turks. 5  Austrian Archduke Ferdinand Habsburg (1522–1564), brother-in-law of Louis II, Hungarian and Czech King (1526–1564), Holy Roman Emperor (1558–1564). 6  Pope Clement VII. 7  Andreas da Burgo (dal Borgo) (1467–1533). Comes from a merchant family in Cremona. He was raised in the court of Ludovico Sforza in Milan and entered the service of Maximilian Habsburg in 1502. Fulfilled diplomatic tasks until his death. More on his life: Rosemarie Aulinger, Andrea da Borgo = Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register of the

(1467–1533). Comes from a merchant family in Cremona. He was raised in the court of Ludovico Sforza in Milan and entered the service of Maximilian Habsburg in 1502. Fulfilled diplomatic tasks until his death. More on his life: Rosemarie Aulinger, Andrea da Borgo = Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, Toronto, 1985, 172–173; Rill, Fürst und Hof...141–150. 8  Cardinal Tommaso Cajetan De Vio, Bishop of Gaeta, was sent to Hungary as a legate with Baron Burgio in 1523 by Hadrian VI. 9  Pope Hadrian promised aid of 100,000 gold

until his death. More on his life: Rosemarie Aulinger, Andrea da Borgo = Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register of the Renaissance and Reformation, Toronto, 1985, 172–173; Rill, Fürst und Hof...141–150. 8  Cardinal Tommaso Cajetan De Vio, Bishop of Gaeta, was sent to Hungary as a legate with Baron Burgio in 1523 by Hadrian VI. 9  Pope Hadrian promised aid of 100,000 gold pieces for the fight against the Turks. He really sent 50,000 by Cardinal Vio. [4.] Misimus ad te litterarum vice wayvodae 10 ad

is not so simple because Lénárt Barlabási filled the position of Vice-Voivod in Transylvania from as early as 1501 until his death in 1525. However, Szapolyai had two Vice-Voivods after his appointment in 1510. In 1524, the other Vice-Voivod was István Tomori. Compare: Kubinyi András, A Szapolyaiak és familiárisaik (szervitoraik), Publicationes Universitatis Miskolciensis, Sectio Philosophica, Tom. XIII., Fasciculus 3., Miskolc, 2008, 244–246. 11  János Szapolyai, Count of Szepes, Transylvanian Voivod, Hungarian King after the death of Louis. 12  The enclosures

There is no further data on Theodor Vafer, Notary of the Apostolic Chamber. Hungarian confessor in Rome János Lászai died on 17 August 1523. Regarding his death see two letters by Brodarics to Transylvanian Bishop Ferenc Várdai. 13  The banking house operated by Bindo Altoviti of Florence was a leading bank in contemporary Rome. More on the banking house and Altoviti: Coriolano Belloni, Un banchiere del rinascimento, Roma, 1935. 12  11   domini Philippi de Senis 4 et domini Vincencii Baldi 5 decretorum doctoris,

domino et amico honorandissimo 29 István Brodarics to Archduke Ferdinand 1 Rome, 29 February 1524 Manuscript used: MOL, DF 276068 1. He informs Ferdinand that the Count of Cordoba will give a detailed report of the news; even though the tenths will be collected, there is still little hope [for saving Hungary] if there will be no peace among Christian rulers. – 2. News came from Spalato, Croatia, to Venice that the Sanjak-Bey of Bosnia sent major infantry force to besiege Klissa and

news; even though the tenths will be collected, there is still little hope [for saving Hungary] if there will be no peace among Christian rulers. – 2. News came from Spalato, Croatia, to Venice that the Sanjak-Bey of Bosnia sent major infantry force to besiege Klissa and he will soon follow with a major force of cavalry. According to news from Constantinople, the Turks are busy with preparations both on land and water. Pope Clement is trying to bring food and ammunition to the besieged Klissa, but it is feared that it will arrive late. Serenissime Princeps et

in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Ad humanissimas litteras 2 Vestrae Serenitatis, quas modo accepi, non habeo quid aliud respondeam, nisi me esse et fore perpetuo, dum vivam, addictissimum 4  Philippus de Senis (Philip of Siena), a cleric in the papal chamber, Canon of Esztergom. Pope Leo X made Philippus de Senis director of chapel consecrated to the Virgin Mary Taken to the Sky in 1513. The chapel belonged to the Esztergom chapter and de Senis entered a long legal battle against the chapter. Compare: Solymosi László

4  Philippus de Senis (Philip of Siena), a cleric in the papal chamber, Canon of Esztergom. Pope Leo X made Philippus de Senis director of chapel consecrated to the Virgin Mary Taken to the Sky in 1513. The chapel belonged to the Esztergom chapter and de Senis entered a long legal battle against the chapter. Compare: Solymosi László (ed.), Az esztergomi székeskáptalan jegyzőkönyve (1500–1502, 1507–1527), Budapest, 2002., 22. Regarding the trial, see the following documents: ASV, Archivum Arcis (AA) Arm. XI, caps I. Nr 156., 2527., and ASV, Archivum

the following documents: ASV, Archivum Arcis (AA) Arm. XI, caps I. Nr 156., 2527., and ASV, Archivum Arcis XI, caps I. Nr 168. 2533., and Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863, 601–602. 5 Vincenzo Baldi de Pistoria. Arrived in Hungary as a member of the retinue of papal legate Cardinal Pietro Isvalies. He soon became Canon of Veszprém, altar director of the St. John altar, at the same time Vicar of Isvalies who became Bishop of Veszprém in 1508. Compare: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése

papal legate Cardinal Pietro Isvalies. He soon became Canon of Veszprém, altar director of the St. John altar, at the same time Vicar of Isvalies who became Bishop of Veszprém in 1508. Compare: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 423. 1  The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different variant, transcribed by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php 2  We do not know Ferdinand’s letter.

of Isvalies who became Bishop of Veszprém in 1508. Compare: Lakatos Bálint, Kálnai Imre királyi titkári és főesperesi kinevezése (1523–1525). Adalékok a pápaság magyar személyi politikájához Mohács előtt, Századok, 2010, 423. 1  The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different variant, transcribed by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php 2  We do not know Ferdinand’s letter. servulum Vestrae Serenitatis. Illustris dominus meus, dominus comes de Corduba 3 omnia alia ex

between Turkey and Persia and about the Sultan’s plans for attack. Brodarics should therefore do all he can for the papal aid together with Marsupino and da Burgo. – 8. Even though the Sultan and the Shah signed peace, if the Pope agrees, it might still be useful to send Hannibal of Cyprus on a mission to Shah Sophi. – 9. He thanks the Pope for the money, weapons, and food sent to the Klissa castle with the help of Bishop of Scardona. – 10. Brodarics is forbidden to return home because of his tight financial situation since the Fuggers have been instructed to provide him with the

instructed to provide him with the needed money. Reverende Fidelis nobis Dilecte. [1.] Scribis gratulationem nostram Sanctissimo Domino Nostro fuisse iucundam, quae accidisset multo iucundior, nisi eodem tempore pervenisset Osthrowyczae a Turcis captae fama in Urbem, 2 quae tam ipsius Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, quam patrum animos magnopere commoverit, cum intellexerit eam arcem omni iudicio secundas partes a Clissio 3 obtinuisse. Iactura est, fatemur, gravis ac ceteris calamitatibus nostris merito adnumeranda,

fuisse iucundam, quae accidisset multo iucundior, nisi eodem tempore pervenisset Osthrowyczae a Turcis captae fama in Urbem, 2 quae tam ipsius Sanctissimi Domini Nostri, quam patrum animos magnopere commoverit, cum intellexerit eam arcem omni iudicio secundas partes a Clissio 3 obtinuisse. Iactura est, fatemur, gravis ac ceteris calamitatibus nostris merito adnumeranda, quam tamen veremur, ne longe maiores, sicuti 3 O[s]throwyczae correxi ex: Othrowyczo 4 capite del. BAV. Ottob., in marg. captae alia manu 5 cum: quam BAV

nostris merito adnumeranda, quam tamen veremur, ne longe maiores, sicuti 3 O[s]throwyczae correxi ex: Othrowyczo 4 capite del. BAV. Ottob., in marg. captae alia manu 5 cum: quam BAV Ottob. 1  The only known manuscript of the text survives in a codex in the Ottoboniana collection of the Vatican Library (BAV, Ottob. Lat. N. 2746. 44–46.), so it is, too, a replica, and is certainly not identical with the one György Pray, who was first to publish the letter, used. The manuscript in the Vatican is severely damaged, and the defects often

ex: Othrowyczo 4 capite del. BAV. Ottob., in marg. captae alia manu 5 cum: quam BAV Ottob. 1  The only known manuscript of the text survives in a codex in the Ottoboniana collection of the Vatican Library (BAV, Ottob. Lat. N. 2746. 44–46.), so it is, too, a replica, and is certainly not identical with the one György Pray, who was first to publish the letter, used. The manuscript in the Vatican is severely damaged, and the defects often make it senseless, so the basis for the present publication is the text published by Pray. In spite of this, I

Manuscript used: MOL, DF 276077 He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Serenitatis humillimam commendationem. Licet

Serenitatis humillimam commendationem. Licet satis absurdum esse videatur ab eo Principe, cui quis nihil serviverit, quippiam postulare. Summa tamen Vestrae Serenitatis clementia et singularis in omnes liberalitas ac munificentia spem mihi dat Vestram Serenitatem preces etiam nihil a se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam. Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita functum esse. 2 Non dubito (ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit) nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a

nihil a se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam. Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita functum esse. 2 Non dubito (ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit) nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a serenissimo et clementissimo domino meo, fratre 3 Vestrae Serenitatis longe nunc absim, 4 et absentes, quocunque obsequii genere fungantur, vulgato proverbio pro mortuis haberi soleant, mihi ad Vestrae Serenitatis praesidium duxi refugiendum. Cui supplico humillime, dignetur

reverendissimum dominum 9  in marg. alia manu fiat, ut petitur. Scibatur viendum [?] ei 1  The letter, apart from some minor changes, is identical to the one sent to Polish King Sigismund the same day (except that the letter to Ferdinand does not have a postscript.) Not only the texts are identical but the ductus as well, so Brodarics’ scriptor wrote the same letter twice and sent both, one to Vienna, the other to Cracow. The only change he made is in the salutation: to the letters in Cracow it is Maiestas, since Sigismund was a King, while in

does not have a postscript.) Not only the texts are identical but the ductus as well, so Brodarics’ scriptor wrote the same letter twice and sent both, one to Vienna, the other to Cracow. The only change he made is in the salutation: to the letters in Cracow it is Maiestas, since Sigismund was a King, while in the Vienna version it is Serenitas, because Ferdinand was only an Archduke in 1524. 2  Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7 April 1524. 3  In the letter to Cracow the word here is nepote because Sigismund was the uncle of King Louis II while Ferdinand was his

of 1523. He had huge influence and was the permanent target of attacks from the opposition of lesser nobility. The part magnificum dominum oratorem suum et is missing from the Cracow letter, obviously because, unlike Ferdinand, Sigismund did not have an envoy in Buda. Compare: Kubinyi András, A magyar állam belpolitikai helyzete Mohács előtt = Rúzsás Lajos – Szakály Ferenc (eds., Mohács. Tanul mányok a mohácsi csata 450. évfordulója alkalmából. Budapest, 1986, 87–91. cancellarium 6 Hungariae in mei commendationem

magnificum dominum oratorem suum et is missing from the Cracow letter, obviously because, unlike Ferdinand, Sigismund did not have an envoy in Buda. Compare: Kubinyi András, A magyar állam belpolitikai helyzete Mohács előtt = Rúzsás Lajos – Szakály Ferenc (eds., Mohács. Tanul mányok a mohácsi csata 450. évfordulója alkalmából. Budapest, 1986, 87–91. cancellarium 6 Hungariae in mei commendationem suas litteras dare et efficere, ut mei quamvis absentis, diligenter tamen eorum maiestatibus servientis ratio habeatur

T. 5. fol. 100r–v. 1 1. He has learnt about the death of Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári; since benefices get rearranged in such cases, he asks Ferdinand’ to intercede on his behalf for remembering the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better. – 2. There is no news. The Emperor’s army is still besieging the French at Novara. – 3. He is sending a copy of the letter by Persian Shah Sophi addressed to the Emperor and Louis II

the absent envoy in Buda so that the latter’s services are rewarded with a smaller benefice at least; he asks for this only to be able to represent the Hungarian King in Rome better. – 2. There is no news. The Emperor’s army is still besieging the French at Novara. – 3. He is sending a copy of the letter by Persian Shah Sophi addressed to the Emperor and Louis II to Sigismund. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Licet

petitur. 1  Another manuscript: BK 213 fol. 53–54; BJ 6549 III fol. 129–130; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII, fol. 45–46; BCzart TN 36. fol. 569–570. liberalitas ac munificentia spem mihi dat Vestram Maiestatem preces etiam nihil a se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam. Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita functum esse. 2 Non dubito, ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit, nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a

nihil a se merentis servitoris non aspernaturam. Intellexi reverendissimum dominum meum archiepiscopum Strigoniensem his diebus vita functum esse. 2 Non dubito, ut in tali casu plerumque fieri consuevit, nonnullas beneficiorum ecclesiasticorum mutationes in Hungaria fore. Ego cum a serenissimo et clementissimo domino meo, nepote 3 Vestrae Maiestatis longe nunc absim 4 et absentes quocunque obsequii genere fungantur, vulgato proverbio pro mortuis haberi soleant, mihi ad Vestrae Maiestatis praesidium duxi refugiendum, cui supplico humillime, dignetur tam

humillime commendo. Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Ex Urbe 3. Maii 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus serenissimi regis Hungariae orator [2.] Nova non sunt alia. Gallos affirmant Novariae 6 a Caesarianis obsideri, et ad exeundum ex Italia vehementer urgeri. [3.] Novum Soltanum dicunt se contra Turcas diligenter munire. Credo Maiestatem 2  Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7 April 1524. 3 Louis II was

Caesarianis obsideri, et ad exeundum ex Italia vehementer urgeri. [3.] Novum Soltanum dicunt se contra Turcas diligenter munire. Credo Maiestatem 2  Archbishop of Esztergom György Szatmári died on 7 April 1524. 3 Louis II was a younger cousin of King Sigismund. 4  Brodarics had stayed in Rome since the spring of 1522 as an envoy of Louis II. 5 László Szalkai, Bishop of Eger, Chancellor. He got archbishopric of Esztergom and the attached position of High Chancellor after

substantial benefice. Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Supervenerunt repente nova satis adversa: Bassam illum praefectum Cayri, qui a Turca defecerat, a suis esse obtruncatum. 2 Quae nova venerunt ex Constantinopoli et habentur pro certissimis. Fui hodie, quae est V. Maii, pro hoc cum Sanctissimo Domi 35  Principem Ferdinandum del. suprascr. dominum meum

Serenissime Princeps et Domine, Domine mihi Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Supervenerunt repente nova satis adversa: Bassam illum praefectum Cayri, qui a Turca defecerat, a suis esse obtruncatum. 2 Quae nova venerunt ex Constantinopoli et habentur pro certissimis. Fui hodie, quae est V. Maii, pro hoc cum Sanctissimo Domi 35  Principem Ferdinandum del. suprascr. dominum meum

Fui hodie, quae est V. Maii, pro hoc cum Sanctissimo Domi 35  Principem Ferdinandum del. suprascr. dominum meum Persian Shah Ismail Sophi I (1500–1524) was certainly in contact with Louis II in 1523. His envoy, a Maronite monk by the name of Peter of Lebanon, brought a letter to Louis from the Shah in 1523, in which there is allusion to the Shah’s previous letters to the Hungarian King. The monk who represented the Shah later spoke at the imperial assembly in Nuremberg in 1524, and tried to talk the

35  Principem Ferdinandum del. suprascr. dominum meum Persian Shah Ismail Sophi I (1500–1524) was certainly in contact with Louis II in 1523. His envoy, a Maronite monk by the name of Peter of Lebanon, brought a letter to Louis from the Shah in 1523, in which there is allusion to the Shah’s previous letters to the Hungarian King. The monk who represented the Shah later spoke at the imperial assembly in Nuremberg in 1524, and tried to talk the Christian rulers into cooperation against the Turks. Because

of the conflicts between the European powers nothing would be realised from the Persian alliance that engaged the political public. By the time Charles V made up his mind in August 1525 and responded to the offer of Shah Sophi, the latter was dead. More on the issue: Tardy Lajos, Perzsia és a Nyugat Mohács előtt, Budapest, 1977, 728–735; idem., Régi magyar követjárások Keleten, Budapest, 1983, 81–93. 8 Louis II. 1  7  Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 52–53; BOss 177 fol. 40 r–v; Libri

Quam Deus felicissimam et incolumem conservet. Rome VII. Maii. 1524. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis servitor et capellanus humillimus Stephanus Brodericus praepositus Quinqueecclesiensis orator 3 Marquis Pescara set a trap for the retreating French troops in the Aosta valley on 30 April 1524. Only brave resistance of the French rearguard saved the whole French army from annihilation. Compare: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... 278. 4  Presumably, Brodarics alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail,

Quinqueecclesiensis orator 3 Marquis Pescara set a trap for the retreating French troops in the Aosta valley on 30 April 1524. Only brave resistance of the French rearguard saved the whole French army from annihilation. Compare: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... 278. 4  Presumably, Brodarics alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail, commonly known as Bayard, the “fearless and blameless” knight who lead the rear-guard. Bayard, who was a renowned figure of the wars in Italy, received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on

rearguard saved the whole French army from annihilation. Compare: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... 278. 4  Presumably, Brodarics alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail, commonly known as Bayard, the “fearless and blameless” knight who lead the rear-guard. Bayard, who was a renowned figure of the wars in Italy, received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on Bayard’s life: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... passim 5  The Chief Commander of the French Army was Count of Bonnivet Guillaume de Goffier who was indeed seriously wounded in the battle, so the rest of the army

annihilation. Compare: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... 278. 4  Presumably, Brodarics alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail, commonly known as Bayard, the “fearless and blameless” knight who lead the rear-guard. Bayard, who was a renowned figure of the wars in Italy, received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on Bayard’s life: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... passim 5  The Chief Commander of the French Army was Count of Bonnivet Guillaume de Goffier who was indeed seriously wounded in the battle, so the rest of the army crossed the Alps under the leadership of a much more

4  Presumably, Brodarics alludes to the famous French nobleman Pierre de Terrail, commonly known as Bayard, the “fearless and blameless” knight who lead the rear-guard. Bayard, who was a renowned figure of the wars in Italy, received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on Bayard’s life: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... passim 5  The Chief Commander of the French Army was Count of Bonnivet Guillaume de Goffier who was indeed seriously wounded in the battle, so the rest of the army crossed the Alps under the leadership of a much more experienced commander, Count St. Pol. 6  See the letter

received a fatal wound at Aosta. More on Bayard’s life: Rázsó, A lovagkor csatái... passim 5  The Chief Commander of the French Army was Count of Bonnivet Guillaume de Goffier who was indeed seriously wounded in the battle, so the rest of the army crossed the Alps under the leadership of a much more experienced commander, Count St. Pol. 6  See the letter by Brodarics on 3 May 1524. 34 István Brodarics to Clement VII Vienna, 21 August 1524 Manuscript used: ASV, Principi,

Sanctitatis legatum, tum officii ac visitationis gratia, tum ut eum de rebus omnibus, quae tam in Hungaria quam in Bohemia agerentur, faceret certiorem. Cum igitur nihil penitus sit, quod cum eius reverendissima dominatione non liberrime ac sinceriter communicaverim, Vestra Sanctitas omnia, quae a me scribi deberent, ex litteris eiusdem intelliget. De quo ipso id vere scribere possum, Pater Beatissime ac Domine Clementissime, eum cum tanta omnium istorum principum ac nationum satisfactione ac tanto amore versari, ut nihil addi possit. De quo et hodie serenissimus princeps multa mecum est

me minorem istic mea Romana absentia esse voluit. Sum tamen is, qui cum vidua illa et ipse in gazophylacium minuta quanquam aera proicio, 5 et cum omni mentis sinceritate Vestrae Sanctitati ac Sanctae Sedi Apostolicae pro mea exilitate servio. [3.] Dominus baro 6 ita a nostris omnibus amatur, ut eum non in illa Sicilia, quae pars Italiae esse censetur, sed in hac, quae pars Hungariae est, quam et ipsam eodem nomine appellamus, natum esse reputemus et pro vero ac puro Hungaro habeamus. Qui ita, ut mei mihi retulerunt, causam meam iussu Vestrae Sanctitatis egit

pápai követ jelentései, Budapest, 1926., and Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései 1524–1526. Budapest, 2001. 7  The Papal Court intervened on behalf of Brodarics already in 1524 to assist in his appointment to the bishopric. But it did not happen yet, and Brodarics was compensated by a prebend as Canon of Esztergom. 5  35 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Buda, 4 November 1524 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I.,

Bohemia; at least Baron Burgio and Chancellor Szalkai are working on it zealously as can be seen in de Burgio’s letters. – 2. If peace cannot be created among contentious Christian rulers, only God knows what awaits Hungary next spring. – 3. He does not yet know when he returns to Italy but a message was sent via Marsupino the other day. – 4. Another letter has been sent regarding the matter of the bishopric of Pécs, since the previous one got lost. Arriving at a decision would be important. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis

rulers, only God knows what awaits Hungary next spring. – 3. He does not yet know when he returns to Italy but a message was sent via Marsupino the other day. – 4. Another letter has been sent regarding the matter of the bishopric of Pécs, since the previous one got lost. Arriving at a decision would be important. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis meae humilem commendationem. [1.] Accepi litteras Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis VII. Octobris datas. 1 Negotium unionis Bohemicae, 2 qua

the Picards (Bohemian Brothers) and the Lutherans – and Catholics. László Szalkai, Bishop of Eger, later Archbishop of Esztergom took up the lion’s share of the talks hoping that the Holy Seat would reward his efforts with appointing him Cardinal. More on this: Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarország a mohácsi vész előtt, Budapest, 1884, 82–96. 3  Compare: Papal Nuncio Baron Burgio’s report on 31 October 1524. Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 56–60. 4  Archbishop of Esztergom and High Chancellor László Szalkai. 5  Pope Clement VII.

1524. More on Csulai’s appointment as Bishop of Pécs: Fedeles Tamás, Egy Jagelló-kori humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 66–67. 9  Egidius Zephirus may be identical to the solicitator mentioned by the name of Egyed Római in a document in the Pannonhalma Abbey dated 10 September 1525. See: Erdélyi László (ed.), A Pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története III., Nr. 272. 7  6 36

humanista pályaképe. Csulai Móré Fülöp (1476/1477–1526), Levéltári Közlemények, 2007, 66–67. 9  Egidius Zephirus may be identical to the solicitator mentioned by the name of Egyed Római in a document in the Pannonhalma Abbey dated 10 September 1525. See: Erdélyi László (ed.), A Pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története III., Nr. 272. 7  6 36 István Brodarics to Clement VII Buda, 22 November 1524 Manuscript used: ASV,

unexpectedly after Ferdinand’s sudden departure. Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai, who is ready to act according to the wishes of the papal court, was of great service in this. – 2. He will report on the situation here after arriving in Rome; he does not want to burden the Pope with a lengthy letter now; the Pope can learn the essentials from Archdean Imre. He expresses his gratitude to the papal court and Baron Burgio for intervening on his behalf; now he is put under even stronger obligation if that is possible at all. Beatissime Pater, ac

obligation if that is possible at all. Beatissime Pater, ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post servitutis meae perpetuae ad pulveres pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis beatorum humillimam commendationem. [1.] Causas tam diuturnae meae morae Vestra Sanctitas a me ipso brevi accipiet. Non enim credo me iam diutius moraturum. Nunc etiam iam eram in procinctu ad Vestram Sanctitatem eundi, 1 cum rursus alia morae causa incidit: vocatio videlicet reverendissimi domini cardinalis Campei 2 ad hanc maiestatem domini mei serenissimi. Hoc

ad diem Nativitatis huc venturum. Ego post festa credo me iter ingressurum. 6  The Papal Court attempted to achieve via Baron Burgio the appointment of Brodarics already in 1524, but they failed due to the resistance of Archbishop Szalkai. Brodarics was compensated by a prebend as Canon of Esztergom. Louis II., however, made a promise to the Pope that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863. 585. The manuscript

credo me iter ingressurum. 6  The Papal Court attempted to achieve via Baron Burgio the appointment of Brodarics already in 1524, but they failed due to the resistance of Archbishop Szalkai. Brodarics was compensated by a prebend as Canon of Esztergom. Louis II., however, made a promise to the Pope that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, Romae, 1863. 585. The manuscript is damaged at some places. Louis invited Papal Legate

domino cardinali Salviati, legato Galliae Cisalpinae etc. 38 István Brodarics to Louis II Buda, [9 December 1524]1 Manuscript used: MOL DL 105435 Brodarics puts forward a request from István and Ferenc Révay that the King affirm their land purchase agreement with Ambrus Rwchy, and should the King have any claims regarding the estate in question, transfer those to the Révay brothers. Sacra Regia Maiestas et Domine, Domine

et perpetuae venditioni, quam nobilis Ambrosius Rwchy de Bodogazzonzakaya super totali portione sua possessionaria in eadem possessione Bodogazzonzakaya habita 3  Clement VII wanted to commission Cardinal Salviati (1490–1553) to create peace between Charles V and Francis I as a legate in Lombardy. The Pope finally appointed the Cardinal as Legate after the French defeat (24 February 1525), in a very different situation, only on 5 May 1525. On Salviati’s activities as legate see Brodarics’ letters to Sigismund I on 17 May 1525 and to Salviati on 20 May 1525. 1 

eadem possessione Bodogazzonzakaya habita 3  Clement VII wanted to commission Cardinal Salviati (1490–1553) to create peace between Charles V and Francis I as a legate in Lombardy. The Pope finally appointed the Cardinal as Legate after the French defeat (24 February 1525), in a very different situation, only on 5 May 1525. On Salviati’s activities as legate see Brodarics’ letters to Sigismund I on 17 May 1525 and to Salviati on 20 May 1525. 1  There is no date on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator Brodarics that King Louis sanctioned the

Cardinal as Legate after the French defeat (24 February 1525), in a very different situation, only on 5 May 1525. On Salviati’s activities as legate see Brodarics’ letters to Sigismund I on 17 May 1525 and to Salviati on 20 May 1525. 1  There is no date on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator Brodarics that King Louis sanctioned the request on 9 December 1524. 2 István Révay (?–after 1545), first Captain in Újlak, then, after Mohács, Captain in Siklós in the service of Péter Perényi. He enters the service of Ferdinand I in 1528, captain of the royal

Báthory, later Protonotarius (1519–1526). His career rises after Mohács. King Ferdinand appoints him Personalis first (1527–1542), then Palatine’s governor (1542–1553). Comes of Turóc county from 1532 until his death. On the Révay family more recently: Pálffy Géza, Különleges úton a Magyar Királyág arisztokráciájába: a Révay-család a 16. szá zadban, Történelmi Szemle, 2009, 1–20. coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae fecisset gratum praebere consensum et nihilominus totum et omne ius regium, si

His career rises after Mohács. King Ferdinand appoints him Personalis first (1527–1542), then Palatine’s governor (1542–1553). Comes of Turóc county from 1532 until his death. On the Révay family more recently: Pálffy Géza, Különleges úton a Magyar Királyág arisztokráciájába: a Révay-család a 16. szá zadban, Történelmi Szemle, 2009, 1–20. coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae fecisset gratum praebere consensum et nihilominus totum et omne ius regium, si quid Maiestas Vestra in eadem portione

after Mohács. King Ferdinand appoints him Personalis first (1527–1542), then Palatine’s governor (1542–1553). Comes of Turóc county from 1532 until his death. On the Révay family more recently: Pálffy Géza, Különleges úton a Magyar Királyág arisztokráciájába: a Révay-család a 16. szá zadban, Történelmi Szemle, 2009, 1–20. coram personali praesentia Maiestatis Vestrae fecisset gratum praebere consensum et nihilominus totum et omne ius regium, si quid Maiestas Vestra in eadem portione haberet, pro fidelibus

festum Conceptionis 1524. Stephanus Brodaryth doctor secretarius 39 István Brodarics to Louis II Buda, [21 February 1525]1 Manuscript used: MOL DL 260226; MOL 2854022 Brodarics presents to the King a request from István Terjék and Palatine’s Secretary Ferenc Révay regarding their trial against Ferenc Szántói Botka. Sacra Regia Maiestas, Domine Gratiosissime. Supplicatur Maiestati Vestrae in personis fidelium eiusdem egregiorum Stephani Theryek de

cathedrae Sancti Petri Apostoli 1525. Stephanus Brodericus secretarius 19 Concessit... Brodaryth doctor secretarius manu Broderici 10 Concessit... Brodericus secretarius manu Broderici 1  There is no date on the document, and we only know from a remark of the relator Brodarics that King Louis sanctioned the request on 21 February 1525. 2  Both reference the same manuscript. 3  István Szenterzsébeti Terjék, nobleman from Zala county. His sister Orsolya is the mother of Tamás Nádasdy, so he is the uncle of the future Palatine.

manuscript. 3  István Szenterzsébeti Terjék, nobleman from Zala county. His sister Orsolya is the mother of Tamás Nádasdy, so he is the uncle of the future Palatine. Student at the Vienna university in 1494. Tenant of the Zalavár abbey with his father from 1518. Compare: Füssy Tamás, A zalavári apátság története (A pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története, VII.), Budapest, 1902, 110–114. 4  Ferenc Révay was Secretary of Palatine István Báthory, later Protonotary (1519–1526). See more on him in the notes for the previous letter.

Terjék, nobleman from Zala county. His sister Orsolya is the mother of Tamás Nádasdy, so he is the uncle of the future Palatine. Student at the Vienna university in 1494. Tenant of the Zalavár abbey with his father from 1518. Compare: Füssy Tamás, A zalavári apátság története (A pannonhalmi Szent Benedek-rend története, VII.), Budapest, 1902, 110–114. 4  Ferenc Révay was Secretary of Palatine István Báthory, later Protonotary (1519–1526). See more on him in the notes for the previous letter.

tuam erga nos fidem et propensionem, experti diligentiam et curam in obeundis negotiis nostris, quae istic Romae eveniebant. Proindeque et commendavimus iam saepe ipsi serenissimo domino nepoti nostro virtutem et merita tua et commendare in dies magis non desistemus. [2.] Postulamus vero a te impense, ut tibi curae istic sint, ut solebant, nostra subditorumque et procerum nostrorum negotia, quae incident, nobisque ea, quae nova emergent, scribere per omnem occasionem non gravare, ut et tua erga nos merita et nostrum vicissim in te favorem reddas in dies cumulatiorem. Datum.

can be dated based on Statileo’s legation and the return of Brodarics to Rome. Statileo went to Cracow as an envoy in the spring of 1525 and got an answer from the Polish King on 12 April (see AT VII. 241). Brodarics left for Rome in late February 1525. On 5 March he was still in Pécs (he got a letter of commission from Bishop Fülöp Csulai Móré then), so the earliest he could reach the Eternal City was in April. 2  János Statileo (Statilius in Latin form, Statilić in Croatian) (1472–1542), Provost of Óbuda, later Transylvanian Bishop of János Szapolyai (1528–1542). More on

then), so the earliest he could reach the Eternal City was in April. 2  János Statileo (Statilius in Latin form, Statilić in Croatian) (1472–1542), Provost of Óbuda, later Transylvanian Bishop of János Szapolyai (1528–1542). More on his life: Sörös Pongrác, Statileo János életéhez, A pannonhalmi szt. benedekrendi főiskola évkönyve, Pannonhalma, 1916, 3–56., and Domagoj Madunić, Vinko Pribojevic and the Glory of Slavs, Budapest, 2003, 19. 41 János Statileo to István Brodarics

quae hic contingunt, volui ei significare serenissimum Poloniae regem inivisse perpetuam pacem et concordiam cum illustrissimo principe Alberto alias magistro Prussiae, nunc vero duce Prussiae ea lege, ut ipse princeps Albertus habeat terram Prussiae illam, quam habuit hucusque, in feudum a regibus Poloniae ipse et heredes masculi eius et quattuor fratrum suorum, quibus deficientibus ipsum feudum recidat in regem Poloniae restitutis hinc inde occupatis tempore belli praeteriti. 2 Et sic feria secunda praeterita 3 ipse princeps Albertus praestitit iuramentum uti

this was the intention of Sigismund too. – 2. He requests Brodarics to take steps against this, because this is exactly the opposite of what Sigismund wants who regards Conventuals highly because they are of great help in the fight against spreading heresy. Their Provincial, Marcus de Torre has a high reputation all over the country, so his withdrawal would be a serious loss for the Church here. abstract of Statileo’s letter forwarded by Brodarics enclosed to his letter to Cardinal Salviati on 20 May. 2  It is the war between the Teutonic Order and Poland

to take steps against this, because this is exactly the opposite of what Sigismund wants who regards Conventuals highly because they are of great help in the fight against spreading heresy. Their Provincial, Marcus de Torre has a high reputation all over the country, so his withdrawal would be a serious loss for the Church here. abstract of Statileo’s letter forwarded by Brodarics enclosed to his letter to Cardinal Salviati on 20 May. 2  It is the war between the Teutonic Order and Poland (1519–21) which ended with the Knights’ defeat. 3  10 April

says in his letter on 17 May that he received several letters but we cannot be sure that he refers to these two. 1  An [1.] Intelleximus fratres Sancti Francisci de observantia id agere, ut loca conventualium in regno nostro et Bohemiae sibi a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro impetrarent, quasi haec sit voluntas nostra, ut ea illi potius haberent. [2.] Postulamus a te, obstes, quominus id perficere valeant. Tantum enim abest, ut haec voluntas nostra sit, ut etiam nobis non posset esse non molestum quidquam prae ter veterem eorum

[1.] Intelleximus fratres Sancti Francisci de observantia id agere, ut loca conventualium in regno nostro et Bohemiae sibi a Sanctissimo Domino Nostro impetrarent, quasi haec sit voluntas nostra, ut ea illi potius haberent. [2.] Postulamus a te, obstes, quominus id perficere valeant. Tantum enim abest, ut haec voluntas nostra sit, ut etiam nobis non posset esse non molestum quidquam prae ter veterem eorum ordinem in regno nostro constitutionem renovari, et praesertim nunc invalescente in dies magis circumquaque perniciosissima

non posset esse non molestum quidquam prae ter veterem eorum ordinem in regno nostro constitutionem renovari, et praesertim nunc invalescente in dies magis circumquaque perniciosissima haeresi, ad quam retundendam magno nobis ex usu sunt ipsi fratres conventuales, praesertim venerabilis Marcus a Turri 2 commissarius et provincialis regni nostri, qui et monasteria hic sua in debitum redegit ordinem et religioni sua doctrina suaque sanctimonia plurimum conducit. Proindeque nobis et regnicolis nostris est multo gratissimus, qui si amoveri hinc deberet, magno omnino praesidio res

to the Pope tomorrow by Brodarics and Cardinal Pucci; Sigismund will be informed about the Pope’s answer promptly. – 4. The Pope is relentless in his attempts to create peace between the Emperor and the French King; Cardinal Giovanni Salviati has been ordered to stay with the Emperor as a legate; Brodarics has been sent with him. – 5. He trusts that peace can be attained; he wrote a ciphered letter about this to Bishop of Przemiśl Andrzej Krzycki; he trusts this most of all because of the noble heart of the French King with whom he negotiated not long ago and has written about

Pope’s answer promptly. – 4. The Pope is relentless in his attempts to create peace between the Emperor and the French King; Cardinal Giovanni Salviati has been ordered to stay with the Emperor as a legate; Brodarics has been sent with him. – 5. He trusts that peace can be attained; he wrote a ciphered letter about this to Bishop of Przemiśl Andrzej Krzycki; he trusts this most of all because of the noble heart of the French King with whom he negotiated not long ago and has written about it to Sigismund. If it fails there is no other way of saving Hungary than what he had already

of unbelievable things are being written about the German peasants’ war, but he believes that Sigismund has more information on this than he has; it is also said that the Turks will not attack Hungary this year but this is consolation only inasmuch as it gives some respite. – 8. If there is a need for intervention regarding the Duchy of Bari, he asks Sigismund to let him know; if he happens to be away from Rome, his fellow envoy Francesco Marsupino or Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci will forward letters addressed to him. Turri or Marcus de Torre, Franciscan monk born in Venice,

He was confessor of Bona Sforza, so he had excellent relationship with the Polish court. See also AT V. 242., 253.; AT VI. 268., 306.; AT VII. 63., 83., and Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarországi pápai követek jelentései... 324. 1  The text of the letter is on the Internet, in a somewhat different variant, transcribed by Péter Tóth. http://ephemeris.alcuinus.net/exempla.php. 2  Further manuscripts: BK 213fol. 525–527; BJ 6549 fol. 546–548; BCzart TN 37. fol. 259–262. 2 Marcus Sacratissima

Pontifex in facto pacis inter caesarem et Christianissimum regem faciendae vehementissime laborat, delegit eius rei gratia reverendissimum dominum cardinalem Salviati, nepotem suum ad ceasarem mittendum. 5 Cum quo consultissimum iudicaret me quoque, qui huius potissimum rei gratia a maiestate domini mei gratiosissimi missus sum, illuc proficisci. De qua pontificis voluntate scripsi ad Maiestatem Regiam. 17 Rwdynczky del., suprascr. alia manu Rudniczki 3  Brodarics asked Sigismund several times in May 1524, after György

3  Brodarics asked Sigismund several times in May 1524, after György Szatmári ‘s death, to intervene for him so that he can obtain some substantial benefice, presumably some bishopric. This means that the Polish court also spoke up for him. Brodarics did not earn a bishopric at that time but he got the benefice of the Esztergom Canon added to that of Provost of Pécs, and Louis II. made a promise that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. 4  The church named after the Four Crowned Saints (Quattuor Sanctorum Coronatorum) was the

intervene for him so that he can obtain some substantial benefice, presumably some bishopric. This means that the Polish court also spoke up for him. Brodarics did not earn a bishopric at that time but he got the benefice of the Esztergom Canon added to that of Provost of Pécs, and Louis II. made a promise that he would raise Brodarics to Bishop status as soon as possible. 4  The church named after the Four Crowned Saints (Quattuor Sanctorum Coronatorum) was the titular church of Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci (Laurentius Pucius) (1458–1531), Bishop of Melf, later of Alba. 5  Clement VII

ex omnibus partibus Turcam pro hoc anno nos magna vi non agressurum. Sed hoc etiam, si verum esset, parum consolationis nobis praebere deberet, nisi quod per has moras exitium nostrum longius proferri ac prorogari videtur. [8.] De rebus Barensis 13 scio Vestram Maiestatem a suis fieri certiorem. Si mihi ad caesarem eundum fuerit, et si quid me ibi Vestra Maiestas sibi in hoc servire voluerit, Krzycki, Bishop of Przemiśl. Brodarics uses cipher in several letters, which is only partially deciphered so far. 18  Brodarics visited the French King

the Turks: the idea to bring the official state of war with the Turks, that began in 1521, to an end by peace agreement or armistice was considered several times in the Hungarian court but was rejected every time – partly under pressure from the Pope. The same considerations were spelled out in a letter to Sigismund on 10 June 1523, which shows that Brodarics had seen the situation clearly already then, and, as this letter demonstrates, it did not change much in 2 years. Brodarics’ warnings were heard in the Polish court at least. Sigismund, seeing the failure in Christian cooperation,

etc. domino ac heredi, domino meo clementissimo. 44 István Brodarics to Giovanni Salviati Rome, 20 May 1525 Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 157., fol. 183r–v, 185v. 1. He had no time to write a letter since he has arrived to Rome; on the other hand, he hasn’t received any news from Hungary. – 2. King of Poland made peace with the Grand Master of the Teutonic Order; more detail in the attached document. – 3. He hopes that Salviati’s mission for peace is on the right track. The

more detail in the attached document. – 3. He hopes that Salviati’s mission for peace is on the right track. The Pope ordered Brodarics to join him for the time of the talks. – 3. Pietro Antoni Berri of Parma, envoy of Louis II to Salviati, has arrived in Rome. He asks Salviati to arrange a smaller benefice for Berri in his birthplace. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis commendationem. [1.] In isto primo meo in Urbem adventu 1 fui adeo occupatus, ut nihil potuerim in hanc horam ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem

Domine, Domine Colendissime. Servitutis commendationem. [1.] In isto primo meo in Urbem adventu 1 fui adeo occupatus, ut nihil potuerim in hanc horam ad Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem scribere. Etsi alioquin non erat magnopere, quod scriberem. Nihil enim ex Hungaria a toto illo tempore habemus. [2.] Ex Polonia autem illud tantum, quod puto Vestram Reverendissimam Dominationem intellexisse serenissimum Poloniae regem 2 cum magistro Prussiae 3 perpetuam inivisse pacem illis conditionibus, 4 quas ex scheda 5

1525. The earliest he could reach Rome was in early April. Sigismund I. 3  Albrecht von Brandenburg, Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, Duke of the secularised Prussian state after conversion to the Evangelical faith. 4  Albrecht von Brandenburg framed the state of the Teutonic Knights into a Lutheran secular Grand Duchy. He gave fealty to Polish King Sigismund on 10 April 1525. 5  See Statileo’s letter on 12 April 1525. 2  1  quae scheda descripta est ex litteris

intellexisse mentem Sanctissimi Domini Nostri 7 de persona mea cum Vestra Reverendissima Dominatione mittenda. 8 Quamvis iter sit et longum et laboriosum praesertim hoc anni tempore, tamen non poterit esse nisi iucundum cum Vestra Dominatione Reverendissima. Exspecto litteras a serenissimo rege. 9 [3.] Est hic in Urbe dominus Petrus Antonius Berrus Parmensis 10 secretarius serenissimi regis Hungariae, domini mei gratiosissimi Dominationi Vestrae Reverendissimae per maiestatem eius commendatus. Maiestas sua mihi commisit discedenti, ut ei uti

supplex commendo. Quae optime ac felicissime valeat. Romae, XX. Maii 1525. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis servulus humilis Stephanus Brodericus orator Address: Reverendissimo domino meo, domino cardinali de Salviatis Lombardiae legato, semper observandissimo. [Outside, in a different handwriting:] 1525 orator Hungariae, Datae Romae XX Mai. Redditae Parmae 25 eiusdem. 28 fuisset del. suprascr. esset János Statileo. Pope Clement VII. 18  Brodarics mentions in a letter to King

[Outside, in a different handwriting:] 1525 orator Hungariae, Datae Romae XX Mai. Redditae Parmae 25 eiusdem. 28 fuisset del. suprascr. esset János Statileo. Pope Clement VII. 18  Brodarics mentions in a letter to King Sigismund on 17 May that the Pope ordered him to participate in the peace talks between Salviati and Charles V. 19  Hungarian and Czech King Louis II. 10  Pietro Antonio Berri of Parma arrived in Germany with Legate Tomasso Vio, and they went to the court of Louis II from

Manuscript used: ASF, Carte Strozziane, Serie I., Filza 158., fol. 166r–v; 165r–v. 1. Ha wants to return Salviati’s good will with deeds rather than words. – 2. Only Salviati’s company makes the expected hardships of the trip to Spain endurable. – 3. He has not yet received a letter from Hungary. Salviati can find his news on the attached page. Reverendissime Domine, Domine Observandissime. Servitutis commendationem. [1.] Pro singulari Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis in me benignitate, quam et hae litterae, quas nunc

Domine, Domine Observandissime. Servitutis commendationem. [1.] Pro singulari Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis in me benignitate, quam et hae litterae, quas nunc ab illa accepi, 1 praesetulerunt, malo Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationi reipsa et facto, quantum a me fieri poterit, referre, quam verbis gratias agere. [2.] Nihil magis, quod et antea scripsi, 2 difficultatem, laborem ac molestias itineris Hispanici aestimantem consolatur, quam quod mihi cum Vestra Dominatione Reve rendissima eundum esse video. Quam dispeream, si non ex toto

Dominationem felicissime cupio valere. Roma X. Iunii 1525. Vestrae Reverendissimae Dominationis humillimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus orator [Addressed:] Reverendissimo domino meo colendissimo, domino cardinali de Salviatis Lombardiae legato etc. Parmae [On the outer side in a different handwriting:] Datae Romae X Iunii. Redditae Parmae 16. [Attachment to Brodarics’ letter] Ex Hungaria ex litteris XXV. praeteriti 3 habemus conventum 4 regni, qui

fuisse turbulentissimum ac nobilitatem rebus infectis abiisse male contentam et 4 post poterit: quam del. We do not have Salviati’s letter. See the previous letter. 3  I.e. a letter dated 25 May 1525. 4  The national assembly held between 7–22 May 1525 partly in Buda, partly in Rákosmező. This, indeed, turned out to be turbulent due to the stepping up of the discontent lesser nobility. 2 

1  omnia extrema minitantem, sese conventum pro libito suo armatos facturos rebusque regni aliter consulturos. Scribunt decimas, quae praelatis ecclesiarum debebantur, eos suspendisse (hoc enim vocabulo scribitur), atque ad fines a Turca tutandos expensuros. 5 Velle omnino, ut orator caesaris 6 et Venetorum 7 abeat cum omnibus Alemannis, qui in aula regia vel reginali versantur. Factam esse praedam de Iudaica tota et de domo etiam cuiusdam servitoris reginae praedivitis superioribus annis facti

etiam cuiusdam servitoris reginae praedivitis superioribus annis facti ex Iudeo Christiani. 8 Venerant iam oratores Bohemorum pro conclusione unionis, tractabatur hoc negotium. 9 Apud regem Poloniae intelligimus esse oratores Turcae duos pacem ab eo et medio eius a rege Hungariae petentes; de rege Poloniae nullum dubium est eum pacem cum Turca initurum, de rege nostro nihil adhuc habemus certi. Quamvis vix possim mihi persuadere eum idem, quod patruus fecerit, non facturum. Quid enim aliud agat destitutus ab omnibus, et nunc rege etiam patruo et vicino, in

23 utuntur del. suprascr. scribitur 15  Demands of noblemen included allotment of tenths to the maintenance of border fortresses, but no decision was made due to the protests. It is true that high priests could not get the tenths due before. Compare: Kubinyi, A magyar állam belpolitikai... 90. 16  Imperial envoy Hans Schneidpöck. 17  Envoy of Venice Vicenzo Guidoto left Hungary on 25 July 1525 in accordance to the decree of the national assembly. Compare: Balogh István, Velenczei diplomaták Magyarországról

in May 1525 in connection to the negotiations between the Utraquistas and the Catholics. Its leaders were Duke Karel Münsterberský, Lew Zdenko, and Jan Pasek. Louis II. received the legation on 21 May in the presence of Legate Campeggio and Nuncio Burgio. Compare: Fraknói Vilmos, Magyarország a mohácsi vész előtt, Budapest, 1884, 92. 10  Hungary, the target of campaign of the Sultan in the following year, was not included in the peace pact between Poland and Turkey signed in November 1525 in spite of Sigismund’s request. Brodarics regretted this in his letter to

following year, was not included in the peace pact between Poland and Turkey signed in November 1525 in spite of Sigismund’s request. Brodarics regretted this in his letter to Cracow written on 6 September 1526, after the Mohács defeat. Brodarics, in his letter on 4 July, mentions a letter received from Sigismund dated 12 June. Further manuscripts: BK 213 fol. 531–532; BOss 177 fol. 313v–314r; Libri Legationum vol. XXIII. fol. 372; BJ 6557 fol. 105v–106r; BCzart TN 37. fol. 799–800. 12  11 

nostro, 4 quem apud ipsam caesaream maiestatem habemus, ut consilio et patrocinio tuo uteretur istic in omnibus. [2.] Scribimus item illi, quibus rationibus transegerimus differentiam nostram cum magistro Prussiae 5 et indutias cum Turco inivimus. 6 Postulamus a te, ut una cum illo, cum illic eris et ubi de his aliquid ageretur, excuses et tuearis partes nostras, nam tu ipse scis, quo nos et serenissimum nepotem nostrum, dominum regem Ludovicum, ista spes generalis expeditionis adduxerit et quantas nos hic citra ullius auxilium

(1485–1548) humanist, diplomat, Bishop of Kulm, then of Warmia, legate of Sigismund I in the court of Charles V for long years. Parts of his very precious diplomatic correspondence have been published in Acta Tomiciana. Preparations for the publication of the whole correspondence are under way. A sample volume has been published so far which includes correspondence from the year 1537 (Jerzy Axer–Anna Skolimowska, Corpus epistolarum Ioannis Dantisci, Part I. Ioannis Dantisci epistulae latinae, Warsaw–Cracow, 2004). 5  Centuries-old Polish-Prussian rivalry came to an end

from the year 1537 (Jerzy Axer–Anna Skolimowska, Corpus epistolarum Ioannis Dantisci, Part I. Ioannis Dantisci epistulae latinae, Warsaw–Cracow, 2004). 5  Centuries-old Polish-Prussian rivalry came to an end when Albrecht von Brandenburg turned Teutonic Knights into a secular Lutheran state in 1525 and gave fealty to the Polish ruler on 10 April. See Statileo’s letter on 12 April 1525. 6  Sigismund signed peace with the Sultan in November 1525. He refused to send military aid to his cousin the following year on this pretext. 4 

in Spain. He himself does not know the reason; the Pope says that the relevant letter from King Louis arrived late. He would have been happy to serve the cause of peace among Christian rulers there too, and would have worked hard on setting King Francis free as instructed by King Louis. Such a mission would have been useful for the Polish and the Hungarian causes alike, because the prestige of the two Kings who carry the burden of war against Turkey by themselves could have helped reconciliation more than anybody else’s. – 3. The Pope received Sigismund’s excuses for starting

servitorem Vestrae Maiestatis. Quae si vera sunt, prout mihi pro verissimis sunt relata, non dubito Vestram Maiestatem iam de hoc factam certiorem. Ego tamen sub hoc dubio non omisi tam apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum, quam alibi facere omnia ea, quae hic fieri per me poterant, quaeve mihi a Maiestate Vestra et ab Serenissima et Gratiosissima Domina Mea, Sacratissima Reginali Maiestate fuerunt commissa, et quoniam ipse non sum ad caesarem iturus, egi apud Sanctissimum Dominum Nostrum, ut causam hanc reverendissimo domino, cardinali Salviato legato, diligentissime committeret, qui

regis (nam et hoc mihi per clementissimum regem meum fuerat commissum) totis viribus elaborassem. Et ego ita certe existimo, Sapientissime et Clementissime Rex, non futuram fuisse hanc vel meam vel alterius et prudentioris et maioris me Vestrarum Maiestatum servitoris illuc profectionem a statu praesentium rerum atque ab illorum principum nunc inter se tractatibus alienam. Non enim dubito Vestrarum Maiestatum auctoritatem, qui soli cum vestris subditis sustinetis pondus diei et aestus, multum potuisse illos monere, et plus quam omnium reliquorum principum auctoritatem. Sed ego

Maiestatum eundum. Et quidem de his ac de negotio Barensi hactenus. Venio ad alia. [3.] Cum pontifex litteras de foedere per Vestram Maiestatem cum Turca inito et de pace cum illustrissimo magistro Prussiae facta perlegisset, et cum ego paucis verbis utriusque rei causas, quas et antea a me audiverat, ei exposuissem, multa mecum et reverendissimo domino cardinali Caesio, 5 qui pro reverendissimo domino cardinale Sanctorum IIII 6 nunc absente aderat, est locutus. Quorum omnium illa est summa: sese Vestram Maiestatem de foedere cum Turca inito habere excusatam,

de foedere cum Turca inito habere excusatam, neque miraturum, si rex etiam Hungariae Vestrae Maiestatis exemplum secutus idem faciet. Nam et de hoc dominum etiam meum clementissimum idem tractare pontifex non est nescius. Totam hanc rem, quomodocunque cadat, non Vestris Maiestatibus, quae a tot annis hostes Christianae reipublicae solae sustineretis, sed principibus Christianis, qui nullo modo ad pacem induci possent, esse inputandam. 4  5  Johannes Dantiscus. On him see notes for the previous letter. Paulo Emilio Cesi

[4.] De negotio vero Prutenico repetivit illa eadem, quae superioribus diebus dixerat et quae ego ad Vestram Maiestatem perscripseram 7 multa tamen questus de magistro, 8 qui Sede Apostolica inconsulta religionem a sola Sede Apostolica dependentem hoc pacto profanavisset: il*lum il*lum 9 in Sedem Apostolicam gravissime deliquisse. Quibus de rebus pontifex et ipse scribit ad Vestram Maiestatem, quae litterae adhuc expediri non potuerunt, mittentur per primam mittendi occasionem. Sed quicquid

18  Albrecht von Brandenburg (1490–1568), Grand Master of the Teutonic Order, brother of Georg von Brandenburg who played an important role in Hungary. Maximilian I appointed him Grand Master of the Knights in 1510. As such, he broke the peace pact signed in Toruń in 1466 and provoked a war with Poland that lasted between 1519–21. This ended in a heavy defeat for the Knighthood. Later he became Evangelical Lutheran, secularised estates of the Knighthood, and created a secular state in its place by the name of Prussian Duchy. In April 1525 he gave fealty to the Polish King.

of the Teutonic Order, brother of Georg von Brandenburg who played an important role in Hungary. Maximilian I appointed him Grand Master of the Knights in 1510. As such, he broke the peace pact signed in Toruń in 1466 and provoked a war with Poland that lasted between 1519–21. This ended in a heavy defeat for the Knighthood. Later he became Evangelical Lutheran, secularised estates of the Knighthood, and created a secular state in its place by the name of Prussian Duchy. In April 1525 he gave fealty to the Polish King. More about this: Marian Biskup, Das Ende des Deutschordensstaates

him Grand Master of the Knights in 1510. As such, he broke the peace pact signed in Toruń in 1466 and provoked a war with Poland that lasted between 1519–21. This ended in a heavy defeat for the Knighthood. Later he became Evangelical Lutheran, secularised estates of the Knighthood, and created a secular state in its place by the name of Prussian Duchy. In April 1525 he gave fealty to the Polish King. More about this: Marian Biskup, Das Ende des Deutschordensstaates Preussen im Jahre 1525 = Josef Flenckenstein–Manfred Hellman (hrsg.), Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen,

April 1525 he gave fealty to the Polish King. More about this: Marian Biskup, Das Ende des Deutschordensstaates Preussen im Jahre 1525 = Josef Flenckenstein–Manfred Hellman (hrsg.), Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen, 1980, 403–416. 19  In the decoded text there is a graphic sign in the middle of the group of characters decoded as illum illum that is not a letter. We might conclude than that illum illum stands for the name of Albrecht von Brandenburg. 10  The riot of the janissaries, who had been discontent because there had been no campaigns

Deutschordensstaates Preussen im Jahre 1525 = Josef Flenckenstein–Manfred Hellman (hrsg.), Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, Sigmaringen, 1980, 403–416. 19  In the decoded text there is a graphic sign in the middle of the group of characters decoded as illum illum that is not a letter. We might conclude than that illum illum stands for the name of Albrecht von Brandenburg. 10  The riot of the janissaries, who had been discontent because there had been no campaigns since the occupation of Rhodos back in 1522, erupted in March 1525 in Istanbul. Rioters

Interpretatio schedae oratoris domini regis Hungariae per cifram scriptae 1 Si Maiestas Vestra habet aliquam bonam occasionem faciendae pacis cum Turca, fortasse non erit malum, non pendere a spe istius pacis inter Christianos, quae parva est, immo nulla, neque credo aliquid secuturum. In causa est, quod rex Angliae ma nam partem Galliae petit, a quo non poterit separari. Caesar, licet his diebus exorti g fuerint quidam contrarii rumores, qui iam rursus non creduntur esse veri, de

cifram scriptae 1 Si Maiestas Vestra habet aliquam bonam occasionem faciendae pacis cum Turca, fortasse non erit malum, non pendere a spe istius pacis inter Christianos, quae parva est, immo nulla, neque credo aliquid secuturum. In causa est, quod rex Angliae ma nam partem Galliae petit, a quo non poterit separari. Caesar, licet his diebus exorti g fuerint quidam contrarii rumores, qui iam rursus non creduntur esse veri, de quibusdam alienationibus mentium inter caesarem et Anglum et meliori spe pacis, quae omnia credo esse vana. Si Maiestas Vestra faciet pacem, et si

spe pacis, quae omnia credo esse vana. Si Maiestas Vestra faciet pacem, et si non vult extremum excidium nepotis sui et regnorum eius, includendus videtur ipse quoque et regna illius in hanc pacem. It is not placed with the text of the letter but in a separate volume (BN. T. 28. fol. 164r). We do not have the slip of paper with the cipher, only the deciphered text can be read. At the same time, the legate mentioned is definitely Brodarics, since the reference is to the younger cousin of Sigismund, Louis II, and his envoy was Brodarics. The

Sforza and Isabella of Aragon. Wife of Polish King Sigismund from 1517. More on her life: Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona (1494–1557) I–IV, Poznań, 1949–1958. 2  The manuscript in the Naruszewicz Collection served as the basis of publication. Since this is a replica from the 18th century, I gave variants of the text published in volume VII of Acta Tomiciana in the critical apparatus, because that one is based on a codex from Kórnik from the 16th or 17th century. According to Władisław Pociecha (Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona... 545.), this

1949–1958. 2  The manuscript in the Naruszewicz Collection served as the basis of publication. Since this is a replica from the 18th century, I gave variants of the text published in volume VII of Acta Tomiciana in the critical apparatus, because that one is based on a codex from Kórnik from the 16th or 17th century. According to Władisław Pociecha (Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona... 545.), this letter has a replica in the Czartoryski Library, on page 62 of manuscript 3645. However, in the catalogue of manuscripts in the Czartoryski Library the item

from the 18th century, I gave variants of the text published in volume VII of Acta Tomiciana in the critical apparatus, because that one is based on a codex from Kórnik from the 16th or 17th century. According to Władisław Pociecha (Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona... 545.), this letter has a replica in the Czartoryski Library, on page 62 of manuscript 3645. However, in the catalogue of manuscripts in the Czartoryski Library the item with this number contains accounts of a Conventual Franciscan monastery from the 18th century. 3  Bona Sforza also asked

or 17th century. According to Władisław Pociecha (Władisław Pociecha, Królowa Bona... 545.), this letter has a replica in the Czartoryski Library, on page 62 of manuscript 3645. However, in the catalogue of manuscripts in the Czartoryski Library the item with this number contains accounts of a Conventual Franciscan monastery from the 18th century. 3  Bona Sforza also asked Dantiscus in his letter dated 5 July to make moves with the Emperor in connection to the issue of the Duchy of Bari, and to utilise Brodarics’ help. Compare: AT VII. 297–298.

nisi velim eadem repetere, quae proxime scripsi per alium servitorem Vestrae Maiestatis. Nondum aliquid certi ex Hispania venit. Res Germanicae quietiores sunt; 2 principem Ferdinandum intelligimus ire cum copiis suis ad liberandum ab obsidione dominum cardinalem Salczpurgensem obsessum a subditis suis. 3 Ego meam fidelem servitutem in gratiam Vestrae Maiestatis supplex commendo. Quam Deus conservare dignetur diu et incolumem et victoriosam. Romae 4. Augusti 1525. Eiusdem Vestrae Sacratissimae Maiestatis minimus servulus Stephanus Brodericus orator

to them there. – 2. He has not yet received an answer regarding the matter of envoys to be sent to the Emperor. – 3. He told what the Pope commissioned him to tell to Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai who has preserved his old influence. – 4. He will learn about other matters from a letter from Baron Burgio. Beatissime Pater ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis oscula beatorum et meae servitutis humillimam commendationem.

Beatissime Pater ac Domine, Domine Clementissime. Post pedum Vestrae Sanctitatis oscula beatorum et meae servitutis humillimam commendationem. [1.] Ego postquam a Vestra Sanctitate discessi XXImo die Budam perveni. Ubi cum maiestatem regiam non reperiissem, quae ad insulam Chepel animi causa secesserat, illic maiestatem suam et serenissimam dominam meam reginam conveni. Benigne ab eis exceptus. Quibus cum mandata Vestrae Sanctitatis exposuissem, gratissimo

maiestatem: nondum del. 11  Regarding this see the letter by Louis II to the Pope on 30 September 1525. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 655. 12  Archbishop of Esztergom László Szalkai. 13  Brodarics had a letter of recommendation from the Pope addressed to Szalkai. Compare: Theiner Augustin, Vetera monumenta Hungariam... 651–652. 14 István Werbőczy (around 1458–1541), scholar of law, leading figure of the party of lesser noblemen. He was elected Palatine on 6 July 1525

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